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HI9!tORY JLUDUOeBIJBlFHy:

VoL XLV

PHILADELPHIA:
PUBLICATION FUND OF

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA,

No. 1300 LOCUST STREET.
1921

iPR2Stl

339547

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• • «

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• •

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• • • •

• *

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLV.

The Political Ideas of John Adams. By FrancU Newton Thorpe,
Ph.D., LL J) 1

Thomas Rodney. By Bimon Oratx, Beq. {Oontimted) 47, 180

The Cock-Fighter. An unpublished poem by Franeie Hophineon 73

An Early New Jersey Poll List. By Hewr^ C. Bhinn 77

The Lost Will of Qeorge Taylor, the Signer. By Jamee B, Lauo 82

Addenda and Corrections to Paintings by Gilbert Stuart, Not Noted
in Mason's Life of Stuart. By Mantle Fielding 88

Notes and Queries 92, 204, 204, 388

Book Notices 06, 204, 208, 304

Journal of Col. John May of Boston, 1780 101

"A Whitemarsh Orderly Book,'' 1777. Found in the collections of
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 205

Letters from the Massachusetts Archives. By George A. Taglor 220

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. By Eenry D, QUpin 224

An Early Description of Pennsylvania. Contributed l^ Profeeeor
R. W. KeUey 243

Robert Street, Artist. By Mantle Fielding 226

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. {Illuetrated.)
{Continued.) By Mafor W. A. Newman Borland, AJf., MJ).,
FJL.0J3 267, 364

America's First Bathtub. By George A. Beid 202

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. {Illuetrated,) By Hon.
Hampton L. Carton 301

The Washington Pedigree; Corrigenda and Addenda. By Charlee
H. Browning 320

List of Officers 307

Index 401

ill

Vol. XLV JANUARY. 192I No. 177

THE

PENNSYLVANIA
MAGAZINE

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY

PUBUSHED QUARTERLY

PUBLISHED BY

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA

rOR SUBSCRIBERS
PHILADELPHIA

For Side at 1300 Locutt Stnti, PhilMlelphla. Price 7S cmiti

per Number, or f3«00 per year

CONTENTS.

PAGE

James Wilson and James Iredell. A Parallel and a Contrast. By

Hon. Hampton L. Carson, LL.D, {Portraits) 1

Thomas Rodney. By Simon Gratz, Esq. {Contintted) 34

Charles Tjee — Stormy Petrel of the Revolution. By Edward Robins,

M.A 66

Notes and Queries 96

Book Notices 100

BOUND VOLUMES OF THB MAOAZINB.

Copies of all the volumes of this Magazine can be obtained at the
Hall of The Historical Society, bound by Hyman Zucker, in the very
beet manner, in the style known as Roxburgh, half cloth, uncut edges,
gilt top, for $4.25 each and the postage. They will be furnished to sub-
scribers in exchange for unbound numbers, in good condition, on the
receipt of $1.25 per volume and the postage.

PBINTKD BT PATTntSON A WHrTB OO.

THE

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE

HISTORY AND BIOGRAFH:'.

Vol. XLV. I -L

A TAHAi L. • * t - . . >•

BY ir.".:: . ^ ■ • -' v

Mr. Pk:;sii>ent aisd Mfr^^^'H. i : : - N htw ( x\\<h ina
Bak AstfOCXATio>r :

I visit your State witli pcHuliar pli a>un\ Vov y^ m.'s
past I have maiiitaiiiLil tho most a;rreor*;u«- rj!.iti<-Ti>
with your reprosentative>5 in the Amerit^an Unr A.'^sot i;-
tiou, and season afler season have n'i»<'\^Ml Aiui .»*
larged my friendships. Tlhi frr»^at wia-V t* f .- !»• ;' r
done tlirough the co-ordinatod .i*t:"n "'1
forty-eight States is (inickenod > - :5 : i-
sonal contar»t which gives ze-1 U, ••,, -• '
and strengthens the ties whi^-J i - •
Sontii, tiie East and the AVes^ 1.. ;"

fe^sional brotherhood. But - -i* • . .: a

closer tie which appeals to r,^- •; ' t • . : - .. 1 n ive
but to mention it, to secure v.»i*r h« artv re- oirnition of
it^ worth.

James Wilson ot Pe^ins>ivania, a Signer of the Dec-
laration of Ind^'i***:' *. '. i\ a Framer of the Constitution

• . I

* iVn add J.' » •■•'... North Carolina Bar ABBOciation, ai

Aahovilli*. N '

^ 1

:.C3. ,"A:h:j;s ,»;:,?€;: i.x.j;

THE

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.

Vol. XhV. 1..C1. No. I,

A TAKATJ-KL AN!' '. « • \ . •• ..- . '

BV HAMPTON :. '

i.'^u AssorjATioN:

I \'isit y(»ur Stalo with pt^'ullar pleasure. For yi^ars
pa-t I have rnaintainoJ the most a^reeablo relatn>rj^
with your reinvsentatives in the AnnTieau liar Associ.:-
tioiL, arjd season after st\ason have roiiowrd aud en-
larged my friend 4iips. The A?reat.work tliat i;5 hv .j:
done througli the eo-ordinatod a^'tiou of tlie Pars <,f
forty-eight States is ([uickeii^Hl by that delii^htfiil per-
sonal eontaet wliich givcd ze^t to our annual reuni'^ns,
and sfreugtliens the tic^s which bind the N'orlli aiid tlie
Soai^, the Kast and the West together in a ^roi\i pro-
fessional brotherhood. But there is an older and a
closer tie whieh appeals to m^t most strongly. I have
but to mention it, to s^^eure j'-'ur hearty reoognition of
]t6 worth.

James AVilson of Pennsylvania, a Signer of the Dec-
laration of Independence, a Framer of tlu? Constitution

*An addresB deliverrd before the Xorth Carolina Bar Asf^ociation, at
A8hp\ille, N, C. June 29, 1920.

Vol. XLV.— 1 1

■A

4 James Wilson and James Iredell.

quest for pennission to bring them home to a final rest-
ing place. That wish has been gratified. I thank you
with an overflowing heart.

Do I need to announce my su^ectf For years it has
been shaping itself in my mind, and your cordial invita-
tion has furnished me with a long coveted opportu-
nity. I shall speak of Wilson and Iredell, and particu-
larly of their opposing theories of Constitutional
interpretation as embodied in the case of Chishohny
Executor, versus Gteorgia, 2 Dallas, 419, the most fa-
mous and important case of that era. We can thus re-
new our allegiance to the Constitution, and review the
principles upon which that allegiance rests.

In these days of seething discontent, when the waters
of the great deep are stirred, it is well to face the
perils of the present with a tranquil faith in the wisdom
of the Fathers, who builded even better than they knew,
and to proclaim with unfaltering courage our belief that
in American Constitutional Freedom is to be f oimd the
strongest buttress of rational liberty and the most de-
pendable insurance of the world's brightest hopes.
James Iredell, when but a boy, wrote: **It does not
follow that everything we receive from education is
wrong, nor because we stUl continue to revere truths
our fathers taught us to revere, that this must be the
effect of prejudice. ' '

James Wilson, a native of Scotland, and a student at
St. Andrews, Glasgow and Edinburgh, at the age of
twenty-one emigrated to New York, in the year 1765,
and some montiis later arrived in Philadelphia. He
read law in the office of John Dickinson, and supported
himself as a tutor of the classics in the college at Phila-
delphia.

James Iredell, a native of England, of Irish extrac-
tion and of the blood of the redoubted Ireton, the son-
in-law of Oliver Cromwell, at the age of seventeen came
to Edenton, N. C, via Boston, in the year 1768, to fill

JAMES IREDELL
The Saint Memin Portrait

James WUson and James IredeU. 5

the office of deputy comptroller of his Majesty's cus-
toms at Boanoke, N. C, an office which he held untU
April, 1776. He read law m the office of Samuel Johns-
ton, the naval officer of the Crown, whose daughter he
subsequently married.

It is interesting to note the characters of the legal
preceptors of the Scotdi and Irish-English lads. It
will enable us to judge of the intellectual and political
influences by whidi both were surrounded, while still
yoimg and their minds were in plastic condition. John
Dickmson was the author of the ** Farmer's Letters'*
which in renown and in their telling effect were un-
equalled by any other serious political essays of the
Revolutionary era. His foreign reputation as a pam-
phleteer exceeded that of any other American excepting
Franklin. He was talked of in the salons of Paris, was
likened to Cicero, and was noticed and applauded by
Voltaire. These letters and his authorship of numer-
ous other State papers and addresses led Bancroft, the
historian, to call him * * The Penman of the Revolution. ' '
He wrote the famous "Liberty Song," in which the
well known lines occur :

"In freedom we're bom, and in freedom well live,
Kot as slaves, but as freemen, our money well give.
United we stand, but divided we fall."

He became a member of the Continental Congress,
an ofiScer in the army, the Governor of Delaware, a
member of the High Court of Errors and Appeals in
Pennsylvania, and a Framer and Signer of the Con-
stitution of the United States.

Samuel Johnston, the preceptor of Iredell, while not
so widely known, was a lawyer of great powers. His
political creed was expressed in a letter to his pupil,
written at the time when the first constitution of Nortii
Carolina was being considered: *' After all it appears
to me that there can be no check upon the representa-
tives of a people in a democracy, but the people them-

6 James WUson and James Iredell.

selves; and in order that the check may be more effi-
cient, I wonld have aonnal elections." He was anxious
to secure the rights of property, individuals and minori-
ties, against the tyranny of majorities, the capricious
fluctuations of the masses. To effect this as far as
priEtcticable, he was disposed to limit and restrain the
powers of the Legislative Assembly by organic laws.
In 1780 he was a member of the Continental Congress,
and in 1787 was elected Governor of his State. He
was eminent in the Debates of the first State conven-
tion called to ratify the Federal Constitution, and was
its ardent supporter, and, after its qualified rejection,
presided over a second convention which added North
Carolina to the circle of the Union. He was then sent
to the first Senate of the United States.

Such were the preceptors of Wilson and of Iredell.
Though both pupils were possessed of strong and orig-
inal minds, which ripened into intellects of bold and
independent strength, developing upon somewhat di-
vergent lines, yet it is not a hazardous surmise that
each owed much to precept and example, and happily
drew from their surroimdings the most nourishing and
wholesome principles which equipped them for the dis-
tinguished parts in the American drama which they
were destined to fill.

Wilson after several years of practice at Beading and
Carlisle, Pa., and Annapolis, Md., where the traditions
of his successes at the bar still linger, returned to Phila-
delphia and soon stood in the foremost rank, attracting
such attention as to be conmdssioned by Louis XVI as
Avocat (Jeneral de la Nation Frangaise a Philadelphie,
while Washington, passing by the Wythes and Pendle-
tons of Virginia, selected him as the preceptor of his
nephew Bushrod Washington. He was for six years,
though not continuously, a member of the Continental
Congress, and was one of the Signers of the Declaration
of Independence. As an orator he held high rank both

1 M

James Wilson and James Iredell. 7

as an advocate and a parliamentary debater. He was
one of the ablest and most active of the members of
the Federal Convention, was one of the Signers of the
Constitution, and his speedies in the ratifying Conven-
tion of Pennsylvania are regarded by students as
among the most illuminating expositions of the work of
that day, ranking with the papers of Madison, Hamil-
ton and Jay collected under the title of **The Fed-
eralist/* In 1790 he was chosen as Professor of Law
in the University of Pennsylvania — ^the first publicly
established law school in the United States, and his
lectures, as published after his death in three volumes,
constitute an interesting and valuable contribution to
the literature of the profession, particularly as pointing
out the differences between the American system and
the English as described by Blackstone.

Iredell, though never conspicuous as an orator, stead-
ily forced his way to leadership. He became a deputy
Attorney General, and later Attorney General, a Coun-
cillor of State and a judge of the District Court. He
was an active political writer. Two of his efforts de-
serve special mention: his discussion in a Newbem
paper tmder date of August 17, 1786, of the subordina^
tion of the Legislature to the Constitution, which was
embodied in his argument in the case of Bayard vs.
Singleton, 1 Martin, 42, and his ** Reply to the Objec-
tions of George Mason. *' Both of these papers raised
him in the opinion of competent judges to the position
of the ablest legal reasoner in his State. Indeed, it has
been said, that they attracted the attention of Wash-
iQgton and led to his choice of Iredell to the bendi of
the Supreme Court of the United States.

With this general review of the positions and attain-
ments of the two men, it is now in order to examine
with some particularity their views as statesmenlike
lawyers upon the nature of constitutional government,

8 James Wilson cmd James Iredell.

as a proper introduction to their judicial views of the
great instrument they were called upon to construe.

Unfortunately we are without a record of the debates
in the Continental Congress. The thirteen volumes of
the Journal disclose only motions, reports, resolutions
and ordinances. Hence we can only judge from acts
what views that body entertained of its own powers.
There is, however, in the closing part of the third vol-
ume of Wilson's Works an elaborate argument by Wil-
son entitled Considerations on The Bank of North
America, published in 1785. So far as I know this is
the earliest exposition of views concerning national
sovereignty under the Articles of Confederation in the
shape of a legal argument.

In May, 1781, Robert Morris, the superintendent of
Finance, laid before the Congress a plan of a bank,
which was approved by a series of Resolutions, provid-
ing that a Charter should be granted so soon as sub-
scriptions should be fiUed, directors chosen and applica-
tion made to Congress. It was also recommended to
the States that they provide by law that no other bank
or bankers should be established or permitted within
the States during the War : that the notes to be issued
by the bank, and payable on demand, should be receiv-
able in payment of all taxes, duties and debts due or
tiiat might become due or payable to the United States :
that the legislatures be asked to pass laws making it
felony without benefit of clergy to counterfeit such
notes, and to pass such notes knowing them to be coun-
terfeit, and also providing against fraud or embezzle-
ment by the officers and servants of the bank. The con-
ditions of subscription having been complied with, Con-
gress granted a Charter under the title, * ' The President
and Directors of The Bank of North America, ' ' to cer-
tain individuals, of whom Wilson was one, on the 31st
of December, 1781. This was done by an ordinance of
incorporation, a copy of which was forwarded by

I
I

James WUson and James Iredell. 9

Morris to the (Governors of each State asking for such
State action as might be judged necessary to give the
ordinance its full operation. Pennsylvania responded,
on the 18th of March, 1782, by an Act for preventing
and punishing the counterfeiting of the common seal,
bank bills and bank notes of the Bank of Nort^ Amer-
ica, and on the first of April of the same year passed
an *'Act to incorporate the subscribers to the Bank
of North America, ' ' reciting the ordinance of Congress,
vesting all the powers usual to corporations in the
same individuals as were named in the Congressional
Charter, and declaring that this act should be construed
and taken most favorably and beneficially for the cor-
poration. Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode
Island passed laws substantially similar. In 1785, the
Treaty of Peace being eighteen months old, the repeal
of the Pennsylvania act was attempted.

It was in opposition to this that Wilson's argument
was made. He insisted on two points of great interest,
and occupied advanced groimd, anticipating by many
years the views of Hamilton as Secretary of the Treas-
ury, and the decisions of Marshall. He even antici-
pated the doctrine of the Dartmouth College case. The
argument shows the depth, the boldness and the orig-
inality of Wilson as a constitutional lawyer, and is as
remarkable for its simplicity as for its strength.

He presented but two questions: first, Is the Bank
of North America constitutionally instituted and organ-
ized under the charter by Congress t and second, Would
it be politic in the legislature of Pennsylvania to re-
voke the charter it had granted! Both of these he re-
garded as of '* national'' importance.

Observe the use of the word national, and consider
the time when it was used. The only existing frame of
Federal Government at the date of the charter — ^De-
cember, 1781 — was under the Articles of Confederation,
and was but nine months old. Those Articles were

10 James Wilson and James Iredell.

reported to Congress late in 1777 by a Committee aj)-
pointed in July, 1776, but the requisite number of States
had not ratified them until March, 1781. Observe now
the difficulties that Wilson had to overcome. The Sec-
ond Article declared that, **Each State retains its sov-
ereignty, freedom and independence, and every power,
jurisdiction and right which is not, by the Confederar
tion, expressly delegated to the United States in Con-
gress assembled. '* In none of the Thirteen Articles
was there a delegation of the power to grant charters
of incorporation. Congress, however, had exercised the
power and had acted, being '* convinced, *' as the Pre-
amble to the Ordinaace of Incorporation declared, * * of
the support which the finances of The United States
would receive from the establishment of a national
bank.'*

Wilson met the situation without evasion. He con-
ceded that there was no express delegation of power
to sustain the Act, but he denied that the power was
one of those reserved by the Second Article to the
States. Herein lies the boldness and the originality
of his conception. He divined the thought, now so
familiar to us, that the government, resulting from the
union of several governments separately incompetent^
possessed inherent sovereignty over matters of general
concern. He clearly saw that a government of limited
powers, but entrusted with the accomplishment of cer-
tain objects beyond the readi of the confederating
states, was as to those objects inherently supreme. He
argued that none of the States previous to the Con-
federation could have chartered a bank for North
America — ^**in other words, commensurate to the
United States. '^ No State could pretend to exercise
any power or act of sovereignty over all the other States
or any of them. Hence the incorporation of the Bank
by Congress did not rest on any power, whidi, under
the Articles of Confederation could have been or must

James Wilson and James Iredell. 11

have been expressly delegated. But though Congress
derived from the particular States no power, jurisdic-
tion or right which was not expressly delegated, it did
not follow that the United States had no other powers
than those expressly delegated. *'The United States
had general rights, powers and obligations, not derived
from any particular States, nor from all the i)articular
States, taken separately, but resulting from the union
of the whole, *' and therefore it had been provided by
the Fifth Article of the Confederation **that for the
more convenient management of the general interests
of the United States delegates shall be annually ap-
pointed to meet in Congress • • • For many purposes
the United States must be considered as one imdivided,
independent nation, and as possessed of all the rights,
powers and properties by the law of nations incident to
such. ' ^ Now mark these words : * ' Whenever an object
occurs, to the direction of which no particular State is
competent, the management of it must, of necessity
belong to the United States in Congress assembled.
There are many objects of this extended nature.*' He
cited the purchase, sale, defense and the government
of lands not within any State as covered by the Resolu-
tion that the western territory should be divided into
distinct States. An institution for circulating paper
and establishing its credit over the whole United States
was of the same general character. The Act of Inde-
pendence, made for the general interest, and before the
Articles of Confederation, was of the same character.
The Confederation was not intended to weaken- or
abridge the ri^ts of the United States. It was not in-
tended to transfer general sovereignty to particular
States or to any of them. The sovereign powers result-
ing from the Union were vested in and had been exer<
cised by Congress before the Confederation, and re-
mained vested. * * The Confederation clothed the United
States with many, though, perhaps not with sufficient

i
1

12 James WUson and James IredeU.

powers ; but of none did it disrobe them. • • • Rights
may be vested in a political body, which did not previ-
ously reside in any or all the members of that body,
derived solely from the imion of those members.*'

I need not pursue the matter. The outline given in-
dicates the vast scope of his thoughts. It is not too
much to say that in Wilson's reasoning is to be found
the marrow of all subsequent arguments in favor of
the incidental and implied powers of the present Fed-
eral government. He anticipated in substance the rea^
soning of Marshall in Cohens vs. The State of Virginia,
6 Wheaton, 381, and pointed out the basis on which
rest so many of the subsequent decisions of the Su-
preme Court of the United States to the effect that
where the object sought to be accomplished is national
in its character, the government of the United States
has the power to use any means to accomplish that ob-
ject not expressly prohibited. In short, Wilson, in
1785, had sounded tiie keynote of National Sovereignty.

In support of his second point that it would not be
politic for Pennsylvania to revoke the State charter,
he urged, first, that the proceeding would be nugatory,
because the recall of the State charter could not repeal
that of the United States, and, second, because though
the legislature might destroy the legislative operation,
yet it could not undo the legislative acknowledgment
of its own act. The act formed a charter of compact
between the legislature and the bank. This he proceeded
to sustain by a demonstration almost identical with the
reasoning of Marshall La Fletcher v. Peck, 6 Cranch,
87, and in the Dartmouth College case, 4 Wh. 518.

Two years later, we find Wilson, as one of the
Framers of the Constitution of the United States, con-
tending on all points that a National government was
preferable to one purely federative, and that it did not
involve the destruction of the Ladividuality and sover-
eignty of the States. In matters of national concern

James Wilson and James IredeU. 13

there had to be national snpremacy. Of necessity there
must exist in every government a power from which
there was no appeal, and which for that reason, might
be termed supreme, absolute and uncontrollable.
Where did the power reside! In Britain, in the Parlia-
ment, but the British Constitution was just what the
British Parliament pleased, *^To control the power
and conduct of the legislature by an overruling Con-
stitution was an improvement in the science and prac-
tice of government reserved to the American States/'
The underlying principle, however, was that the su-
preme power resided in the people and they never
parted with it. '*If the error be in the legislature, it
may be corrected by the constitution ; if in the constitu-
tion, it may be corrected by the people. There is a
remedy, therefore, for every distemper in government,
if the People are not wanting to themselves. • • • •
If we take an extended and accurate view of it, we
shall find the streams of power running in different
directions, in different dimensions, and at diffei^ent
heights, watering, adorning and fertilizing the fields
and meadows, through which their courses are led ; but
if we trace them, we shall discover, that they all orig-
inally flow from one abundant fountain. In tiiis consti-
tution, all authority is derived from The People/^

Such were the political creed and its expression of
James Wilson.

I now turn to James Iredell. On the 26th of August,
1787, while the Federal Convention was still sitting in
Philadelphia behind closed doors, and its work and the
views of members were still unknown to the public,
Iredell, writing to Richard Dobbs Spaight concerning
the decision of the lower court in the famous case of
Bayard vs. Singleton (1 Martin, 42) used this remark-
able language. **In regard to the late decision at New-
bem, I confess it has ever been my opinion, that an act
inconsistent with the Constitution was void; and that

14 James WUson cmd James IredeU.

the judges, consistently with their duties^ conld not
carry it into effect. The Constitution appears to me
to be a fundamental law, limiting the powers of the
legislature, and with which every exercise of those
powers must, necessarily be compared. • • • • The
Constitution, therefore, being a fundamental law, and
a law in writing of the solemn nature I have mentioned
( which is the light in which it strikes me) , the judicial
power, in the exercise of their authority, must take no-
tice of it as the ground work of that as well as of all
other authority; and as no article of the Constitution
can be repealed by a legislature, which derives its whole
power from it, it follows that the fundamental unre-
pealahle law must be obeyed, by the rejection of an
act unwarranted by and inconsistent with it, or you
must obey an act foimded on an authority not given
by the people, and to which, therefore, the people owe
no obedience. It is not that the judges are appointed
arbiters, and to determine as it were upon any appUca-
tion, whether the Assembly have or have not violated
the Constitution ; but when an act is necessarily brought
in judgment before them, they must unavoidably de-
termine one way or another. If it is doubted whether
a subsequent law repeals a former one, in a case judi-
cially in question, the judges must decide this ; and yet
it might be said, if the legislature meant it a repeal,
and the judges determined it otherwise, they exercised
a negative on the legislature in resolving to keep a law
in force which the Assembly had annihilated. This
kind of objection, if applicable at all, will reach all judi-
cial power whatever, since upon every abuse of it (and
there is no power but what is liable to abuse) a sim-
ilar inference may be drawn ; but when you once estab-
lish the necessary existence of a/ny power, the argument
as to abuse ceases to destroy its validity, though in a /

doubtful matter it may be of great weight.'*
Thus did the great North Carolinian fourteen years

James Wilson and James IredeU. 15

before the ease of Marbnry vs. Madison (1 Cranch, 137)
proclaim doctrines which have made Marshall famous.
Critics of language and of legal logic may well hesitate
before awarding primacy to either, but none can deny
Iredell's claim to priority of statement. I would not
have it thought that the doctrine was novel. George
Wythe of Virginia had announced it in Commonwealth
vs. Caton, (4 Call, Va. 5-21) in 1782, so too did David
Brearley of New Jersey in 1784, in the case of Holmes
vs. Walton (referred to in State vs. Parkhurst, 4 Hal-
stead (N. J.), 444, Appendix) and James M. Yamum
of Bhode Island in 1786 in the case of Trevitt vs.
Weeden, all of which preceded the case of Bayard vs.
Singleton. But the significance of Iredell's masterly
presentation of his views is that the letter which I have
quoted was in answer to a complaint of Spaight that the
decisions of the judges were ' ' an assumption of author-
ity," and that ''the State instead of being governed
by the representatives in General Assembly would be
subject to the will of three individuals who united in
their own persons the legislative and judiciary powers,
which no monarch in Europe enjoyed and which would
be more despotic than the Boman Decemvirate, and
equally as insufferable. ' ' In 1792 in the case of Bow-
man vs. Middleton (1 Bay 252) the Supreme Court of
South Carolina held an act of a Colonial legislature
passed in 1712, as ipso facto void because in contraven-
tion of Magna Charta. In view of this striking list of
cases from New England to the Carolinas, all prior to
Marbury vs. Madison, the well informed student of our
legal development may well smile at charges against
John Marshall of indulgence in novelty of doctrine or
usurpation of power.

In 1788, Iredell, over the signature of Marcus, pub-
lished a pamphlet entitled ** Answers to Mr. Mason's
objections to the New Constitution Becommended by
the Late Convention at Philadelphia.*' Of this paper

f
f

16 James Wilson and James Iredell.

it has been said, '^the author was immediately recog-
nized by his vigor, as a giant by the imprint of his
foot.'* There were eleven objections and as many spe-
cific answers all closely reasoned. I shall present but
one — ^the fourth — as a sample of Iredell's method.
**Mr. Mason has asserted, *that the judiciary of the
United States is so constructed and extended, as to
absorb and destroy the judiciaries of the several
States. ' How is this the case? Are not the State judi-
ciaries left uncontrolled as to the affairs of that State
only? In this as in all other cases, where there is a
wise distribution, power is commensurate to its object.
With the mere internal concerns of a State Congress
we are to have nothing to do. In no case but where the
union is in some measure concerned, are the Federal
courts to have jurisdiction. The State judiciary will
be a satellite waiting upon its proper planet : That of
the Union, like the sun, cherishing and preserving a
whole planetary system. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ^iu not every man
see how irrational it is to expect that any government
can exist which is to be fettered in its most necessary
operations for fear of abuse f

During July of 1788, the State Convention, consisting
of 280 members, met at Hillsborough, N. C, to consider
the adoption or rejection of the Federal Constitution.
The President was Samuel Johnston, then Governor of
the State, the preceptor and the father-in-law of Iredell.
He was a Federalist, and the leaders in debate upon
the floor were Iredell, Davie, Spaight, Maclaine and
Steele. Against them was arrayed the most influential
politician in the State. Wilie Jones, a democrat in
theory, an aristocrat in habit, living sumptuously and \

clad in fine linen, but stealing his way into the hearts j

of farmers by smoking with them and chatting of crops, t

ploughs and cattle. With him were Oaldwell, a divine, ;!

who dwelt in the mountains, and, though a man of the
closet, ruled the views of his people through his char- \,

James Wilson and James Iredell. 17

itable ministrations, and Jndge Spencer of ^^a candid
and temperate disposition, ' ' and Timothy Bloodworthy,
** smith, farmer, doctor, watchmaker, wheelwright and
politician. ' ' Jones sought to cnt off debate at the out-
set by moving that the question upon the Constitution
should be put **as every man's mind was made up.''
This was promptly and successfully opposed by Iredell.
Then Caldwell submitted abstract propositions, the ab-
surdity and impracticability of some of which were ex-
posed by Iredell, and the debate was on. We are told
by the biographer of Davie that Iredell was **the lead-
ing spirit in the whole body, conspicuous for his grace-
ful elocution, for the apt application of his varied learn-
ing, his intimate knowledge of the working of schemes
, of government, and his manly and generous temper."

The record shows that the burden of argument in favor
of the Constitution fell upon Iredell, who spoke more
; frequently and at greater length than any other on the

I floor. His brother wrote him : * * I wish you could com-

municate your talent to me : There is no waste of lan-
guage in your speeches. You say more in five words
than is commonly expressed in fifty. ' ' But Jones held
his forces too well in hand to be beaten. The Conven-
tion determined neither to ratify nor to reject, but to
recommend a declaration of Bights and twenty-six
amendments, which in the main were similar to those
suggested in Virginia, and to await the action of the
other hesitating States. It was not until after the Fed-
eral Government had been actually organized in March
of 1789, and then through a second Convention in No-
vember of that year that North Carolina entered the
Union. Among all the men of his State Iredell stood
forth as the most conspicuous champion of the Con-
stitution, like a Roman propugnator in the thick of the
fray.

It is a most impressive circumstance that the two
men whose characters and careers I have but sketched,

Vol. XLV.— 2

18 James Wilson and James Iredell.

both of them of foreign birth, but nurtured from early
manhood nnder American colonial conditions and
tested by the fires of the Revolution, after displaying
a remarkable similarity of tiiought and action, should
approach each other on converging lines of public duty {

and finally find themselves, during the last ei^t years i

of lives all too brief, associated as colleagues in the
final interpretation of the great organic instrument ^

which one had helped to frame and the other to advo-
cate. It is a no less impressive circumstance that in
the first and only intellectual battle between them they
should differ radically, a striking illustration of the
freedom of thought fostered by our institutions. It is
far more impressive still that such was the strength
and originality of their conflicting views that each has
been since regarded as the founder of a distinct school
of Constitutional interpretation. The happy conse-
quence has been that each school moderated tiie excesses
of the other, and just as in celestial mechanics the el- (

liptical pathways of the planets resulted from the con-
flict between centripetal and centrifugal forces, so in
the domain of constitutional jurisprudence the rounded
harmony of our system is the direct though unforeseen
resultant of the disagreement between Wilson and Ire-
dell in Chisholm's Executor vs. Gteorgia (2 Dallas 419).
Before considering the renowned case which I have
just named, let me pause to analyze the conditions
which made such disagreement inevitable. The men
differed in natural temperament. Wilson was of a
sanguine, speculative, philosophic bent, with many of
the qualities of a Locke or a Montesquieu. Iredell was
of a colder, less imaginative type, practical and busi-
ness like. Wilson had been classically educated at the
Scotch Universities, and had made himself familiar
with Greek and Latin literatures, and the works of the
great historians, and publicists. Herodotus, Thucyd-
ides, Plato, Tactitus, Livy, Clarendon, Grotius, Puf-

/ ^

James WUson and James IredeU. 19

f endorf y Vattel and Burlamaqni were among his favor-
ite anthers. Iredell had never been to an university,
was largely self tanght and preferred to dip into Coke-
Littleton or Sellon's Practice and had saturated himself
with Blackstone. He was ten years younger than Wil-
son and had not acquired his breadth of view. But be-
hiad differences of temperament and education was the
more important matter of contact with men. Wilson
had spent a few months in New York before coming to
Philadelphia, and before settling down to practice in
the Colonial capital, had practiced law in Beading and
Carlisle in Pennsylvania, and in Annapolis, Maryland.
Iredell after reaching Edenton had never strayed.
Wilson became a member of the Continental Congress,
in close contact with statesmen from all parts of the
old Thirteen, was familiar in the most intensive sense
with all the weaknesses and defects of the Confedera-
tion, and knew, as but comparatively few men knew, the
need for a strong National Government. He had never
been a judge of local courts, nor an Attorney Gteneral,
and hence, while looking broadly at public affairs, had
never learned the practical difficulties of enforcing rem-
edies, nor addressed himself to purely administrative
problems. Iredell had been a Deputy Attorney Gen-
eral, a District Court Judge and finally Attorney Gen-
eral, and necessarily had viewed legal questions arising
within his State from the standpoint of their practical
enforcement. He had never been a member of Con-
gress, nor was he a member of the Federal Convention.
His first field of action on an elevated plateau was when
he served in the North Carolina Convention.

It is plain, I think, that Wilson would not have been
true to himself had he not maintained the theory of
National Sovereignty, and that Iredell could not have
been expected to do otherwise than maintain the doc-
trine of State Bights.

We are now ready to consider and appreciate the

20 James Wilson and James Iredell.

manner in which both men bore themselves in the
mighty judicial debate which marked the climax of their
life achievements.

In judging of the merits of the respective arguments
advanced by Wilson and Iredell in support of their
respective contentions we must divest ourselves, if such
a thing be possible, of all knowledge of our own con-
cerning the later decisions of the Supreme Court which
have settled the method of construction of the Constitu-
tion. We must put ourselves in their positions con-
sidering a strictly novel question with minds unembar-
rassed by any previous determination. It is only in
this way that we can appreciate the originality, the
boldness and the force of each man's view. I shall
confine myself to the opinions of these two justices, first
because I am not discoursing upon the case at large,
and next because in these two opinions is to be found
the sharpest contrast of doctrine. In short, it is be-
cause of this, that each man has been since regarded
as the founder of separate schools of Constitutional
thought. I shall begin with Iredell, because as the
junior justice he opened the judicial discussion, and
his opinion is the first to appear in Dallas's report of
the case.

The suit was by Chisholm, Executor of a citizen of
South Carolina, and himself a citizen of that State,
against the State of Georgia. The cause of action does
not appear, but the form was in assumpsit and from
the return by the Marshall it appeared that process
had been served on the Governor and Attorney General
of Georgia. The suit was brought originally in the Su-
preme Court of the United States, and did not reach
there by appeal. Georgia refused to appear. There-
upon the Attorney General of the United States moved
^ ' That unless the State of Georgia shall, after reason-
able previous notice of this motion, cause an appear-
ance to be entered in behalf of the said State, on the

James Wilson and James Iredell. 21

fourth day of the next term, or shall then show canse
to the contrary, judgment shall be entered against the
said State, and a writ of enquiry of damages shall be
awarded/' Ingersoll and Dallas of the Philadelphia
Bar, the Court then sitting in Philadelphia, presented
to the Court a written remonstrance and protestation
on behalf of the State, against the exercise of juris-
diction in the cause, but, in consequence of positive in-
structions, they declined taking any part in arguing the
question.

£dmund Eandolph, the Attorney General, who had
been Governor of Virginia, and who had taken the in-
itiative in the Federal Convention by presenting what
is historically known as the Virginia Plan, then pro-
ceeded to discuss the motion under four forms, which
it seems had been arranged ' ^ at the pleasure of the
court:'' 1st, Could the State be made a defendant in
OMy case in the Supreme Court at the suit of a private
citizen of another State? 2nd, If so, would assumpsit
lie? 3rd, Was the service made a competent service?
4th, By what process ought the appearance of the State
to be enforced?
Iredell and Wilson considered but the first two points,
Iredell called it a ' ^ great cause, ' ' and began, as might
be expected from his exact training and experience as
a pleader, with a precise statement of the issue. **The
action, ' ' said he, * 4s an action of assumpsit. The par-
ticular question then before the Court is, will an action
of assumpsit lie against a State?" In abstracting this
particular question from the general one, whether a
State can in any instance be sued, you will observe that
Iredell considered the second proposition of primary
importance. In this circumstance alone we have the
clearest revelation of the quality of Iredell's mind.
Trained as a deputy Attorney General, and by subse-
quent experience as Attorney General, and accustomed
as a district judge to view process critically, he men-

22 James Wilson and James Iredell.

tally inquired: **What is the form of action t Is the
form of action sustainable? Is the process usual and
regular? Does it raise the main question? If it does
not, clearly it would be premature to pass on the deeper
question of power, and extra judicial to express senti-
ments not necessarily involved. Although Hiese fea-
tures are not expressed in terms, I think that every
exact lawyer will agree with me that they are discover-
able in Iredell's method of dealing with the case, and
exhibit in the clearest li^t the eminently judicial quali-
ties of his mind. It was the record he looked at, and
it was the record that bounded his vision. **Will an
action of assumpsit lie against a State? K it will, it
must be in virtue of the Oonstitution of the United
States, and of some law of Congress conformable
thereto.'' There you have, in Iredell's own words, the
crux of his opinion. The answer justifying the form
of process resorted to must be found in the Constitu-
tion a/nd in an Act of Congress. He reviewed the entire
judiciary Article of the Constitution, and pointed out
that it provided, inter alia, for original jurisdiction in
the Supreme Court in '* controversies between a State
and citizens of another State. ' ' He then turned to the
13th Section of the general judicial Act of 24th Sep-
tember, 1789, entitled An Act to establish the Judicial
Courts of the United States, which provided * ' That the
Supreme Court shall have exclusive jurisdiction of all
controversies of a civil nature where a State is a party,
except between a State and its citizens : and except also
between a State and citizens of other States." The
Constitution was particular in expressing the parties
who might be the objects of the jurisdiction, but, in
respect to the subject matter, used the word ** con-
troversies" only. The Act of Congress qualified the
word '* controversies" by the word *' civil," a well war-
ranted qualification, for it could not be presumed by
any reasonable man that the general word ^^controver-

James WUscm a/nd James Iredell. 23

sies" as used in the Constitution was intended to in-
dnde criminal cases, which in all instances respecting
a State were nnif ormly of a local nature and to be de-
cided by State law. **What controversy of a civil
nature could an individual maintain against a State t
The framers must have meant one of two things:
Either, 1st in the conveyance of that part of the judicial
power which did not relate to the execution of the other
authorities of the general government (which within
the restrictions of the Constituion were full and dis-
cretionary) to refer to antecedent laws for the construc-
tion of the general words used; or, 2nd to enable Con-
gress in all such cases to pass all such laws as they
might deem necessary and proper to carry the purposes
of the Constitution into effect, either absolutely at
their discretion, or at least in cases where the prior
laws were deficient, if any such deficiency existed.'*
He scouted as novel and untenable the argument of the
Attorney General in these words : **Hi8 construction I
take to be this: "That the moment a Supreme Court
is formed, it is to exercise all the judicial power vested
in it by the Constitution, by its own authority, whether
the Legislature has prescribed methods of doing so, or
not. ' My conception of the Constitution is entirely dif-
ferent. I conceive that all the Courts of the United
States must receive, not merely their organization as to
the number of Judges of which they are to consist, but
all their authority, as to the manner of their proceed-
ing, from the Legislature only. ♦ ♦ ♦ Having a right
thus to establish this Court, and it being capable of
being established in no other manner, I conceive it
necessarily follows, that they are also to direct the
manner of its proceedings ♦ • • Subject to the Consti-
tution, the whole business of organizing the Courts,
and directing the methods of their proceedings where
necessary, I conceive to be in the discretion of Con-
gress. If it shall be found on this occasion, or on any

24 James Wilson and James Iredell.

other, that the remedies now in being are defective, for
any purpose it is their dnty to provide for, they no
doubt will provide others. It is their duty to legislate
so far as is necessary to carry the Constitution into
effect. It is ours only to judge. We have no reason,
nor any more right to distrust their doing their duty,
than they have to distrust that we all do ours. There
is no part of the Constitution, that I know of, that
authorizes this Court to take up any business where
they left it, and, in order that the powers given in
the Constitution may be in full activity, supply their
omission by making new laws for new cases; or, which
I take to be the same thing, applying old principles to
new Cases materially different from those to which
they were applied before. * * * If therefore this Court
is to be (as I consider it) the organ of the Constitution
and the law, not of the Constitution only, in reSpect to
the manner of its proceeding, we must receive our di-
rections from the Legislature in this particular, and
have no right to constitute ourselves an Offidna
hrevium, or take any other short method of doing what
the Constitution has chosen (and, in my opinion, with
the most perfect propriety) should be done in another
manner. ' '

He then referred to the 14th Section of the Judicial
Act, and, after enumerating the special writs there
mentioned such as scire facias, habeas corpus and ''all
other writs not specially provided for by statute which
may be necessary for the exercise of their respective
jurisdictions,'* pointed out that these according to the
express terms of the statute must be ''agreeable to
the principles and usages of law.'* He then pro-
ceeded, in a most exhaustive discussion of English
cases, covering page after page, to demonstrate that
the remedy against the Crown was not by way of
assumpsit but by petition. He refused to recognize
the analogy of suits against corporations to suits

James Wilson and James Iredell. 25

against a State. Corporations were creatures, States
were sovereigns. They did not owe their origin to
the government of the United States. They were in
existence before it, and derived their authority from
*'the same pure and sacred source as itself; the volun-
tary and deliberate choice of the people.'* The distinc-
tions between corporations and a State were so pal-
pable that he could never admit that a system of law
calculated for one class of cases was to be applied, as a
matter of course, to the other without admitting, as he
conceived, that the distinct boundaries of law and Legis-
lation would be confounded ^^in a manner that would
make courts arbitrary, and in effect makers of a new
law, instead of being (as certainly alone they ought to
be) expositors of an existing one J'

In conclusion, he said : * * I have now, I think, estab-
lished the following particulars: — 1st, That the Con-
stitution, so far as it respects the judicial authority,
can only be carried into effect by acts of the Legislature
appointing Courts and prescribing their methods of
proceeding. 2nd, That Congress has provided no new
law in regard to this case, but expressly referred us
to the old. 3rd, That there are no principles of the old
law, to which we must have recourse, that in any man-
ner authorize the present suit, either by precedent or
by analogy. The consequence of which, in my opinion,
clearly is that the suit in question cannot be maintained,
nor, of course, the motion made upon it be complied
with.''

Wilson's point of view was diametrically opposite.
Instead of first looking at the record, he looked first at
the Constitution. He saw a vision of the Nation that
was to be, his mind qiiivering witii ecstasy as he looked.
He divined the future, while reflecting on the past, and
rose to heights of judicial inspiration. He saw a strong
principle at work destroying technical difficulties as
acid eats into metal. As Copernicus tore himself away

26 James WUson and James Iredell.

from Ptolemaic doctrines and established the heliocen-
tric theory, so Wilson announced the basic principles
of National Sovereignty.

His opening words are these : ^ * This is a case of un-
common magnitude. One of the parties to it is a State :
certainly respectable, claiming to be sovereign. The
question to be determined is, whether this State, so
respectable and whose claim soars so high, is amenable
to the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of the United
States. This question, important in itself, will depend
on others, more important still; and may, perhaps, be
ultimately resolved into one, no less radical than this
— *do the People of the United States form a nation?' '*

He examined it first by the principles of general
jurisprudence. He inquired into the meaning of the
word Sovereign. **To the Constitution of the United
States the term sovereign is totally unknown. There is
but one place where it could have been used with pro-
priety. But even in that place it would not, perhaps,
have comported with the delicacy of those who ordained
and established that Constitution. They might have
announced themselves * Sovereign' People of the
United States: But serenely conscious of the fact, they
avoided the ostentatious declaration.' ' ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ **In
one sense the word sovereign had for its correlative,
subject. In this sense the term can receive no applica-
tion, for it has no object in the Constitution of the
United States. Under that Constitution there are cit-
izens but no subjects. * Citizen of the United States.'
* Citizen of another State. ' Citizens of different States. '
*A State or citizens thereof.' The term subject occurs,
indeed once in the instrument, but ta mark the contrast
strongly, the epithet * foreign' is prefixed."

He then examined the meaning of the word State.
In his view it meant ^ ' a complete body of free persons
united together for their common benefit, to enjoy
peaceably what is their own, and to do justice to others.

James WUson and James Iredell. 27

It is aa artificial body. It has its affairs and its in-
terests. It has its roles ; it has its ri^ts, and it has
its obligations. It may acquire property distinct from
its members. It may incur debts to be discharged out
of the public stock, not out of the private fortunes of
individuals. It may be bound by contracts and for
damages arising from the breach of those contracts.
• * * * If justice is not done ; if engagements are not
ful£Qled, is it upon general principles of right, no less
proper, in the case of a great number, than in the case
of an individual, to secure, by compulsion, tiiat which
will not be voluntarily performed? Less proper it
surely cannot be. The only reason, I believe, why a
free man is bound by human laws is thai he hinds him-
self. Upon the same principles, upon which he becomes
bound by the laws, he becomes amenable to the courts
of justice which are formed and authorized by those
laws. If one free man, an original sovereign, may do
all this, why may not an aggregate of free men, a col-
lection of original sovereigns do Ukewiset K the dig-
nity of each singly is undiminished, the dignity of all
jointly must be unimpaired. A State, like a merchant,
makes a contract. A dishonest State, like a dishonest
merchant, wilfully refuses to discharge it : the latter is
amenable to a court of justice : upon general principles
of right, shall the former when summoned to answer
the fair demands of its creditor, be permitted, proteus-
like, to assume a new appearance, and to insult him and
justice, by declaring I am a sovereign Statef Surely
not.*'

He then drew together the branches of the argument
by this bold and striking declaration. Each word is
fraught with meaning, and contains a pregnant
thought: ''As a Judge of this Court, I know, and can
decide upon the knowledge that the citizens of Georgia
when they acted upon the large scale of the Union, as
a part of *'The People of the United States'' did not

28 James Wilson and James Iredell.

surrender the Supreme or Sovereign Power to that
State, but, as to the purposes of the Union, retained it
to themselves ; 05 to the purposes of the Union, there-
fore, Georgia is Not a Sovereign State. If the judicial
decision of this case forms one of those purposes, the
allegation that Georgia is a sovereign State is unsup-
ported by the fact. ' '

Those sentences contain the crux of Wilson's opin-
ion. If I may be pardoned for introducing a medical
term into a legal paper, I would say that they constitute
the foetus of the National doctrine.

He then examined the question by the laws and prac-
tice of different States and Kingdoms, displaying a
wide range of reading, and, in reviewing English
authorities, cited the Mirror of Justices and Bracton
to the effect that in receiving justice the King should
be placed on a level with the meanest person in the
Kingdom. *'True it is,*' he admitted, '*that now in
England the King must be sued in his courts by Peti-
tion ; but even now the difference is only in the form,
nbt in the thing. The judgments or decrees of those
courts will substantially be the same upon a precatory
as upon a mandatory process.'*

He then asked : Could the Constitution of the United
States vest a jurisdiction over the State of Georgia!
By slow degrees and many historical examples he
worked his way to the final thought that as the Con-
stitution was the result of the united wills of all the
people of the United States, including the people of
Georgia, it was competent for a United People, distinct
from the individual aggregations of people constituting
separate states, to bind itself by the terms of its con-
stitution which was the product of the union, and to
exact obedience to national mandates even from the
States themselves. The Constitution was framed not
for the States, nor by the States, but for the Nation
and by the People of the Nation. I am not using his

James WUson and James IredeU. 29

words, but I have, I think, summarized accurately his
contention. He pointed out that in England the body
politic was Parliament. The People were nowhere.
The Eong, the Lords and the Commons together formed
the corporation or body politic of the Kingdom. In the
United States it was the people who spoke the Govern-
ment into existence. The truth was often lost sight of
by the exaltation of the States. **The States ^ rather
than the people, for whose sake the States exist, are
frequently the objects which attract attention." The
inaccuracy of political conception was fostered by in-
accuracy of common speech. **Is a toast asked? *The
United States,' instead of 'The People of the United
States* is given. This is not politically correct. The
toast is meant to present to view the first great object
in the Union. It presents only the second. It presents
only the artificial person, instead of tiie natural per-
sons who spoke it into existence.'* When Homer
enumerated the other nations of Greece whose forces
acted at the siege of Troy, he arranged them under
the names of their Kings, but when he came to the
Athenians he called them the People of Athens.
Demosthenes always addressed his countrymen as * * Oh,
Men of Athens.*' **With the strictest propriety, there-
fore, classical and political," Wilson declared *'our
national scene opens with the most magnificent object
which the nation could present. 'The People of the
United States' are the first personages introduced.
Who were those people ? They were the citizens of the
United States each of which had a separate constitu-
tion and government and all of which were connected
together by Articles of Confederation. To the pur-
poses of public strength and felicity, that Confederacy
was totally inadequate. A requisition on the Several
States terminated its legislative authority; Executive
and Judicial Authority it had none. In order, there-
fore, to form a more perfect union, to establish justice,

30 James Wilson and James IredeU.

ensnre domestic tranqnillity, to provide for the common
defence, and to secure the blessings of liberty^ those
people, among whom were the people of Georgia, or-
dained and established the present Constitution. By
that Constitution legislative power is vested, Executive
power is vested, judicial power is vested. The question
now, opens fairly to our view. Could the people of
those States, among whom were those of Georgia, bind
those States and Georgia among the others by the
legislative, executive and judicial power so vested? If
the principles on which I have f oimded myself are just,
this question must unavoidably receive an affirmative
answer. If those States were the work of those people;
those people, and, that I may apply the case closely,
the people of Georgia in particular, could alter as they
pleased their former work. To any given degree, they
could diminish as well as enlarge it. Any or all of the
former States powers, they could extinguish or trans-
fer/^ The inference was plain that those people, in-
clusive of the people of Georgia co%Ud vest jurisdiction
or judicial power over those States and over the State
of Georgia in particular.

Had they done so? Did ** those people" mean to
exercise their undoubted power? Did ** those people''
intend to bind * * those States ' ' by the Legislative power
vested by the Constitution? Surely it could not be
contended that the Legislative power of Congress was
meant to have no operation on the States. Did the
people of the United States intend to bind the Several
States by the Executive power of the national govern-
ment? The answer must be in the affirmative. Ever
since Bracton's day it had been a maxim that ^Ht would
he superfluous to make laws, unless those laws, when ^

made, were to he enforced.** When the application of
them was doubtful or intricate, judicial authority was
necessary. One of the declared objects of the Constitu-
tion was to establish justice. Whoever considered * * in

James Wilson and James Iredell. 31

a combined and comprehensive sense the general tex-
ture of the Constitution, ' ' must be satisfied that the
People of the United States intended to form them-
selves into a nation for national purposes. **They in-
stituted for stLch purposes a national government, com-
plete in all its parts, with powers Legislative, Execu-
tive and Judiciary, and in all those powers extending
over the whole nation. ' ' It would be indeed incongru-
ous that with regard to such purposes, any man, or
body of men, any person natural or artificial should be
permitted to claim successfully an entire exemption
from the jurisdiction of the national government.
Such a claim, crowned with success, would be repug-
nant to our very existence as a Nation. All trains of
deduction converged and united upon this point.

Finally, the express language of the Constitution put
the matter beyond all doubt. **The judicial power of
the United States shall extend to controversies between
two States. '* Clearly one of the States must be a de-
fendant. *'The judicial power of the United States
shall extend to controversies between a State and cit-
izens of another State." Could legal language be
clearer, could all the niceties of the strictest pleading
describe with more precise accuracy the cause now de-
pending? ^^ Causes, and not parties to causes are
weighed by justice, in her equal scales : On the former
solely, her attention is fixed: To the latter, she is, as
she is painted, blind/' Tried by all the touchstones
of general jurisprudence, by the laws and practices of
States and Kingdoms, and by the Constitution of the
United States, from all combined, the inference was
that the action would lie.

Chief Justice Jay, and Justices Blair and Cushing,
in separate opinions, concurred in this.

I confess that I do not know where to find through-
out the whole mass of judicial utterances since that
August term, 1792, more impressive presentations of

32 James Wilson and Ja^^es Iredell.

a fundamental question from opposite points of view
than those of Wilson and Iredell. But when I consider
that they are the first to be encountered in the books,
and are the products of minds working without the
assistance of prior adjudications, I regard them with
admiration. Yet while in seeming opposition, they are
not in antagonism. Nowhere does Iredell confute or
attempt to challenge Wilson's majestic reasoning. No-
where does Wilson pause to notice Iredell's conten-
tion that the powers of the Constitution relating to the
Judiciary can become effective only through an Act
of Congress. The result has been, happily for our-
selves, that both doctrines have stood. Wilson's the-
ory and its propulsive force have supplied the neces-
sary stimulus and energy to Congressional action.
Iredell's protest against spontaneous constitutional
self enforcement has protected us against excessive or
capricious exercises of judicial power. Wilson's opin-
ion is in itself a constitutional dynamo: Iredell's a
constitutional regulator, without which the engine
would have thrashed itself to pieces.

The case of Chisholm, Executor, vs. The State of
Georgia and the opinions of the Judges are not as well
known and not as frequently read as they deserve to
be. This is largely due to the fact that two days after
the decision was pronounced, such was the anti-federal
fury, the Eleventh Amendment to the Constitution was
proposed to Congress and formally acted upon in De-
cember, 1793. It was not declared adopted by the sev-
eral States until January, 1798. In the meantime the
Court refused to bend, and after a year rendered judg-
ment by default and ordered an inquiry of damages.
The plaintiff, however, confronted by a Statute of
Georgia denouncing the penalty of death against any
one who presiuned to enforce any process, prudently
awaited action on the proposed amendment. In Feb-
ruary, 1798, the case of HoUingsworth vs. Virginia (3

James Wlhon and James Iredell. 33

Dallas 378) being before the Court, it was declared
that, in view of the amendment, jurisdiction was re-
nounced ^'in any case past or future, in which a State
was sued by citizens of another State, or by citizens
or subjects of any foreign State/' Hence interest in
the case as a precedent slept xmtil awakened in the
Virginia Coupon Cases, (114 U. S. 270) and Hans vs.
Louisiana, (134 TJ. S. 1) in 1889. In the last named
case the whole subject of the suability of a State is
fully discussed by Mr. Justice Bradley.

The value of the utterances of Wilson and Iredell
can never be lost. They form a part not only of the
pattern but of the texture of our national jurisprudence.
They struck as by intuition, directly on the results of
reasoning which is still considered sound. Time, which
gnaws and diminishes many reputations, has left theirs
untouched.

In the quiet burying ground of the Johnston family
at Edenton, on the 20th of November, 1906, a cenotaph
to the memory of James Wilson was dedicated in the
presence of the Governor and Chief Justice of North
Carolina and the Gfovemor of Pennsylvania. It stands
but a few feet away from the grave of Iredell. Thou^
Pennsylvania claimed and now guards the ashes of her
son, the memory of the close association of these two
useful and productive lives is preserved in North Caro-
lina.

Vol. XLV.

34 Thomcts Rodney.

THOMAS RODNEY.

BT SIMON QRATZ, ESQ.
(Ocmtinued from Vol. XLIV, page 308.)

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney.

Town of Washington M. T. May 25*^ 1807.
My dear Son

This Morning the Governor waited on me and
Shewed me a Smnmons, for M^ Mead, M'. Poindexter,
M'. Shields and myself Also for Col. Fitzpatrick to
Attend the Circuit Court in Virginia in the Oase of
M'. Burr on the 22* of this Month which day was past
before the Summons arrived here — ^whether the Cause
will be delaid or not till the Fall Circuit and our attend-
dance then be required or not cannot now be told by us
but I think the Governor said you Expressed a wish
that we might acknowledge the Summons and say
whether we can attend or not or at what time or some-
thing of that purpose — ^If the Cause should be put oflf
tiQ the fall Circuit, or to some time when a Special
Court may be ordered, and the Government think our
Attendance Essential I suppose we must Attend — ^but
my Absence Cannot well be dispensed with here for
some time yet, tho Judge Leek arrived here to day and
will take his Seat on the bench tomorrow, as our
Supreme Court Commenced today. This is the Court
Blennerhassett, Floyd, Balston and Tyler were bound
to appear at and are all here to take their trials, but
the Att''. General M^ Lewes has sugested to the Court,
that he is of Opinion that the Circuit Courts here and
not the Supreme Court have jurisdiction in Federal
Cases; and he has desired to be heard on that Subject

Thomas Rodney. 35

tomorrow and the Mail will go before any Decision can
take place — The Supreme Court has hitherto Assumed
and Exercised the jurisdiction under the Act of Con-
gress Vesting the powers of a District and Circuit
Court, in some Court or Courts of this territory — ^And
the Government seems to have favored this by refer-
ring Federal business in Several Instances to the
Supreme Court but the Att^. General being of a Dif-
ferent opinion procured Balston & Floyd to be Indicted
at the Wilkinson Circuit — ^Yet at the Circuit the Grand
Jury Could only Enquire for the County in which they
sat and not for the territory — ^Whereas the Jury Sum-
moned to attend the Supreme Court are from all the
four Coimties on the Misisipi, twelve Jurors being
ordered from Eadi Coimty and the rest generally —
from them the Grand Jury are drawn and of Course
Enquire for the whole territory as forming one Dis-
trict — Yet the late & Present Att''. Gen*, say that the
Federal power granted by the act of Congress, Vested
in the then Ixisting Superior Courts of tiiis territory
and that by an Act of Assembly passed soon after the
powers of the then Superior Courts were transferred
to the Present Circuit Courts, and that the Federal
powers Could not Vest in the Supreme Court which
did not Ixist till Established by the Same Act which
fransferred the powers from the Superior Courts to
the Circuit Courts as af s*. — ^But the Judges Concluded
that Congress Intended to vest the powers granted in
the highest Court of Law in the territory — ^and there-
fore assumed those powers in the Supreme Court the
highest Court of Law and the only one which had gen-
eral Jurisdiction — This difficulty however renders it
uncertain what will be done with the Burrites before
mentioned but I rather suppose Blennerhassett and
Tyler may be sent to Virginia, and governor Harrison
has written very favorably of Floyd — and he perhaps
may be sent to Kentucky — ^I shall be loth not to Comply

36 Thomcts Rodney.

with what the Government may think necessary bnt it
will be a great disadvantage to leave here Immediately
without settling my accounts and disposing of my prop-
erty, for I could hardly think of returning here again —

Thomas Rodney.

Thomas Rodney to CcBwr A. Rodney.

Town of Washington M. T. Jime 14*^ 1807.
My dear Son

The Supreme Court has been Sitting here three
weeks and adjourned yesterday — ^I was absent the last
week because were Completing the Sessions of the
Board of Commissioners, which we dosed yesterday
and have nothing more to do but report &^

Balston and Floyd were Indicted at the Circuit Court
of Wilkinson County, their Counsel Plead to the Juris-
diction of that Court and avered that the Supreme
Court had Jurisdiction in Federal Cases — The Att''.
Gen'. Lewis Demurred to that Plea and on this Issue of
war joined The question was referred to the Decision
of the Supreme Court — and was argued in the Second
week of the Court by the Atty. GtenK on our Side, and
by, Fielding, Turner, M'. Teyler and M'. Ejiox on the
other (Harding who had filed the Plea was unwell and
could not Attend) The Court took time to Consider
and Delivered their opinion on Mxmday of the last week
— Bruin and Leek were in favor of the jurisdiction of
the Circuit Court, but my opinion was in favor of the
Supreme Court — Thus the Majority of the Court gave
the jurisdiction to the Circuit Courts. After Deliver-
ing in my Opinion I retired from the Court to the Board
— ^Balston and Floyd after this were put to answer at
the Circuit Court, and Blennerhassett & Tyler were
Discharged and also the witnesses from their Recog-
nizances taken for their appearance at the Supreme
Court &•. — ^M'. Blenneiiiassett Lnmediately went off to

Thomas Rodney. 37

his former residence in Virginia. While the Supreme
Court Exercised Jurisdiction in Federal Cases their
officers were obliged to act, and it necessary for them
to know whether they will not have a right to Claim
the Fees &•. allowed by Law to the Clerks and Mar-
shals of the Federal Courts — ^The Sheriflf in particular
who acted as Marshal was at Considerable Expense as
well as trouble — I wish you to Consider the Law and
Consult the Sect^. of the Treasury on this Subject —

Some of my friends abroad I find have been a little
alarmed about the Lying publication of Ashley in one
of the Carolina papers — Ashley is known here to be
one of the greatest Villians in the Country, and there-
fore was fitly selected by M'. Burr to answer his ne-
farious purposes — ^But who Could believe me guUty of
altering a Becognizancef Burr and his surities were
obliged to Becognize on such Conditions as I prescribed
or he must have been Committeed — ^What Liducement
then Could I possibly have to alter the Becognizancef —
The thing is so absurd that no one Can believe it —
The Charge is absolutely false. No Motive whatever
however powerful Could Induce me as a Magistrate to
Deviate from the path of rectitude.

The Summons for Witnesses here to attend Burrs
trial in Virginia Came too late and the Witnesses wait
to hear whether the trial will be put off or not — ^I con-
tinue in good health and feel releaved from a great
burthen by the Closing the Decisions of the Board, my
duties in future Will not be so laborious — ^we have been
allowed only $500, dpi'. Each for the last 18, Months
labor at the Board, Certain the Legislature ought to
make a further allowance — ^They Can hardly think
$500, adequate Compensation for 18 months public
services in this part of the Country — ^I expect you will
have your family at the Federal City by the time this
arrives — Give my love to Susan and the Children —

Thomas Bodney.

38 Thomas Rodney.

Thomas Rodney to CcBsar A. Rodney.

Town Washington June 22*. 1807.
My dear Son

I wrote to you by the last Mail and did not know then
that Floyd & Balston were Discharged, which was done
after I left the Court and went to the Board — ^It seems
their Counsel Demurred to the Indictment formed in
Wilkinson County which Demurrer was sustained and
of Cause the Indictment quashed so that no Accusation
Remained against them as they had been discharged
from their Becognizances in the Supreme Court before
on the Motion of the Attorney General Lewes — and also
Tyler and Blennerhassett were discharged upon the
ground that the Supreme Court had not Jurisdiction
in Federal Cases — Thus all that were accused here of
being Concerned in Burrs Expedition are now gone —
It seems as if no Federal Cases Can be tried here till
the United States Establish District Courts of their
own, and Certainly It is Material they should do so, or
their Authority will have but little Influence in this
western Country where Mischief seems most disposed
to rear its head.

It is said by some of Burrs friends here that he
Expects soon to be liberated and Intends returning
Immediately to this western County.

We have Completed the Decisions of the Board and
are now making out our Report — Judge Leek and My-
self Intend setting oflf the day after tomorrow to the
Walnut hills to view that part of the territory — ^Where
I informed you some time ago I had bought a tract or
two of land — ^We Expect to git fine fish there too — ^we
return next week — all is quiet here now Except the
party and political assperity which you will see prevails
in the Natchez papers. If they reach you — ^As I have
never Medled in their politics further than to support
and defend the Conduct and Carracter of the General

Thomas Rodney. 39

(Government, the Local partizans seldom notice me in
their Contests, yet do not permit me Entirely to Es^-
cape; Shaw the Editor of the Messenger undertook of
his own accord to defend me against the Calxunny of
AsJday but could not do it without droping a small
spice of his own — ^I let it pass unnoticed, it being very
different from the general Sentiment of the People
here, that I probably am Entitled to but little Praise
as a Judge — The Contrary of which I have heard Ex-
pressed in all parts of the territory more frequently
than I could wish. Our public duties require that the
Gtovemor and Myself should Act in a Polite and Social
Manner — This perhaps may not be altogether Pleasing
to some of the party who are abusing him. — If I should
not be called round as a witness in the Case of Burr,
yet I shall desire to return home to see my friends next
fall : and I wish you to mention this to the President as
I should not wish to do it without his permission tho '
it is uncertain whether I shall incline to return or not
till I advise with my old friends. Yet most of my friends
here Earnestly solicit my return tho' they wish me to
go round on account of the Information which they sup-
pose I may give respecting this Land business &".

Thomas Rodney.

Thomas Rodney to OoBsar A, Rodney.

Town of Washington June 29*^ 1807.
My dear Son

The day after the date of my last Letter to wit on
Tuesday last I was taken very unwell on Wednesday
Evening had as Violent a Bilious attack as Ever I had
in my life and a high fever all night two three of the
young gentlemen sat up with me all night in the Cburse
of which so much Bile went off that my fever left me
next Morning, but my puking and purging Continued
Moderately for a day or two all the Gentlemen and
Ladies of the town and some from the Coimtry (when

40 Thomas Rodney.

they heard I was HI) Came to Visit me and offered
anything they could do for me, but as I know the Cause
of these attacks I let them have their way and only
incourage the discharge of Bile I took nothing but a
puker and after that a Little sweet oil and Sugar to
settle the stomach & render the operation of the Bile
in the Bowels more mild. After Thursday I became
quite Easy but took nothing to Eat till Saturday when
a Small degree of appetite returned & yesterday Sun-
day I left my room and went down stairs and in the
Evening went over to M'. Chews to Marry a Couple —
to wit Beverly E. Grayson Esq'. Clerk of the Supreme
Court And Auditor of the Territory to M". Sarah
Frieland sister to M'. Chew and a widow to day I feel
quite Restored & Clear of any Complaint — ^This I trust
will be a furlo for the Eesidue of the Season — ^Rep-
utable families are flocking to this Country and many
of them Incline to settle in this town as a place of health
till they git used to the Climate — ^by being taken Sick
I missed my visit to tiie Walnut hills but Judge Leek,
Doct'. Archer and others who were going with me
went on.

The Virginia papers Stated that a Grand Jury had
been Lnpannelled and Charged in the Case of Burr,
I suppose shall hear by the next Mail whether the trial
is over or put off and thereby know whether it will be
necessary for the Witnesses called from this territory
to attend or not — ^we have heard by some of the public
papers that the Floridas are purchased I wish this may
be true tho ' I Expect the U. S. will have to pay pretty
dear for them — but the possession of them are so
necessary to all the back Country on tiie Eastern Side
the Misisipi that its Value will be quarduply increased
by having all the outlets to the sea which pass through
the Floridas — So that the back Country will populate
probably ten times as fast as it otherwise would do—

You will find the Natchez papers (if you have time

Thomas Rodney. 41

to read them) full of scurrility — ^the Governor in par-
ticular is Virulently abused by Doct^. Shaw the Editor
of the Messenger — ^as I have not Meddled hitherto in
the Local politics of this territory, and as I am not the
Legal organ of Liformation, and as the Gen^ Govern-
ment have never asked my advice in any Case I have
not made any political Communication to them but as
you have become a member of the Cabinet and may
be Called on sometimes respecting the affairs of this
territory, for your own satisfaction and Direction I
shall in a Subsequent Letter Make such a Communi-
cation to you as may Enable you to understand the
situation of parties here, and shall give you a Correct
view of the Leaders of the* Different parties and their
objects &". &f. Government have probably a pretty full
knowledge how parties stood here imder Governors
Sargent & Claiboume — ^but they have Varied very
much since — ^If however I shall return this summer or
in tiie fall it will be unnecessary to make any such Com-
munication by Letter.

Thomas Bodney.

Thomas Rodney to Ccssar A, Rodney.

Town of Washington M. T. Aug*. 13*^ 1807.
My dear Son

I had prepaired, as I informed you in my last Letter
by Mail to go on to Bichmond and we were to set off
tomorrow But having gone out of town the Evening
before last to Marry Judge Matthews of the Orleans
territory to a young Lady in our Neighborhood I had
to Betum in the Night when the air was very damp so
that I got cold and Was very unwell yesterday — ^Yet I
had to sit with a smart Fever on in an assembly of the
People at this town where the most Bespectable People
in the territory were assembled to Consider the late

* This was probably stolen — C. A. Rodney.

42 Thomas Rodney.

outrages of the Brittish — ^and when they adopted unan-
imously sundry Resolutions Expressive of their minds
in respect to tiiose outrages — ^I feel still unwell today
and in Consequence thereof have declined going think-
ing that I should only risk my life without being able to
reach the place of destination in time — this determina-
tion is approved by all my friends here and Indeed all
the people who have spoke to me on the occasion ob-
jected to my going even if well but I was determined to
go till I got xmwell and the gentlemen of this town for
that reason Envited me to a public Dinner with them
to-day as a mark of their Respect and regard before
my setting off and it was too late to recall this Plan
after my declining to go as they had previously pre-
paired for it —

I was directed by the assembly of the People to send
on a Copy of their Resolutions to the President and a
nother to the Mayor of Norfolk &*'. which will go on by
T. H. W. our Register & Secretary — ^Mead & Shields
do not propose going on but Poindexter Dinsmore and
others will from the territory — ^Burr I am told has also
summoned a Number of Witnesses from this territory
T. H. W. and Doct'. Hall set off tomorrow — This goes
by T. H. W. who can inform you more particularly of
things here and the Cause of my not Proceeding on
with them.

Governor Claibom is still here but returns in a few
days.

God bless you, adieu

Thomas Rodney.

P. S. I have Directed Several Recognizances taken
on the Examinations in the Case of Burr to shew that
Burrs Recognized is in the usual form observed by me
and deviates in Nothing Material Certainly if it had
not been so Expressed he could not have left the Court
without being Discharged this his Counsel moved to
have done but the Court refused it —

Thomas Rodney. 43

Thomas Rodney to CcMor A. Rodney.

Town of Washington M. T. Ang*. 24*^. 1807.
My dear Son

As it was Expected I should go on to Bichmond I
have not reed any Letters lately from any of my Cor-
respondence to the Eastward — I wrote on both by the
Mail & Sect''. Williams that I had declined going — ^and
from the unfavorable Effect this Season generally has
on me I have reason to conclude I was right in not
having made the attempt as with the most discreet Cau-
tion in guarding against the hot Sun & night dews &
cannot keep quiet well — tho ' I have not been laid up —
Burr and his friends can say nothing with truth to my
prejudice, but whatever they may say I wish you to dis-
charge your duty with dignified and manly firmness
without being Influenced one way or a Nother by any
thing they Can Say — Gov'. Claiborne waited on me
yesterday to take leave — ^He Intended to set oflf for
Orleans this morning — ^Probably to prepair the Quota
of Troops required of that territory — ^He thinks Or-
leans a very Defensible Place ag*. the brittish but as he
is not much acquainted with tactics I told him I was
Induced, tho I had never seen the City, to think other-
wise — as it is accessable on many points and the Ground
all Low — ^that it was probable too that if we had war
with G. B. that would be one of the first objects of their
attention on account of the Extensive Effect the pos-
session of that City would have on the western Country
— The Misisipi being the only out let for all their
Produce.

You will see by the Natchez Papers that the public
avowal of Sentiments here agaiast the brittish is unan-
imous, as well as in the States tho' no part of our
Country is liable to suffer more by a war with England
than thi&— Cotton being their staple and England
abnost the only purchaser. But whether the Event be
war or not I hope our Government will Continue to act

44 Thomcts Rodney.

Decisively and with the Spirit of 1776. Until G.
Brittain shall relinquis her Wicked Claim of Pressing
seamen from on board Even our Merchant Ships — She
has no more Bight to take them from them than from
one of our seaport towns. If Even a Traitor flies from
them to us have they a right to demand him? If they
have why did they not give up Arnold? You are in the
Cabinet at an Important Period — ^Proceed firmly and
steadily— Let nothing hurry you into Irregularity yet
Bemember that wisdom in great Affairs admits of no
dilatory Pleas she requires Decision

Thomas Eodney.

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A, Rodney.

T.of Washington M. T. Sept'. I"*. 1807.
My dear Son

It has been more sickly in this town and its neighbor-
hood this Season than I have known it before, owing
probably to a severe drouth which has Continued four
Months — The ground has not been wet two Inches deep
since August — The Crops of Cotton and Cain therefore
will be Very Small here — I have been obliged to be
very Cautious to keep about by avoiding the Sun in the
day & the dews at Night, but Cannot keep quite well
for this is the Season of the year that always is most
likely to affect me — ^I had a severe head ache Sunday
night but it has got better and by Care I hope I shall
avoid being laid up — ^Poindexter went on a few days
after Doct'. Hall — ^I was to have wrote by him to you
having been the Attorney General of the territory he
is well acquainted with my usual form of writing
Becognizances &f. Gov'. W. Grofases going on to the
Seat of Government in December — ^He and Poindexter
as you will see by the Natchez papers differed severely
before Poindexter left this — ^Indeed the governor one
Way or an other has offended all the Bepublican party
here, and they treat him witii great assperity — ^The Be-

ThonMS Rodney. 45

publicans also displeased at Sec^. Meads being Dis-
missed from ofiSce and are determined to EUect him
to the Legislature — ^The Patriotic ardor of Meads Con-
duct in the Case of Burr was much approved of here
by the Bepublicans — ^tho it was a little too high toned
and intemperate in some parts, and I fear he shewed
too much indiscretion in his Communications to gov-
ernment, tho I had Cautioned him against this advis-
ing him to Bepresent facts only to them and leave them
to judge for themselves &f &f &f It ever is Considered
Versitile for a govenunent to appoint an officer & sud-
denly remove without some Evident Cause because
either the appointment or the removal is Concluded to
be indiscreet — The People Even in a Bepublican gov-
ernment like to see Stability — It would in deed be well
and an Improvement in our System if all Inferior
Executive officers were appointed for three Years Re-
movable only for Misbehaviour — The People would
approve the Stability which this would give, and the
Changes it would admit at the Expiration of that time —
and tiie Executives would be more Careful in their
appointments. The present tenure of office during
pleasure Induces frequent bad appointments and Cap-
tious Removals which have a tendency to disorder
Government.

A Son of Col: Charles Pope is here — He was Inti-
mate with Mead in (Georgia and Mead Imployed him
to write in the Secretaries office till he was removed and
now the Poor Fellow has no means of livelihood — If
any office such as that of Marshall or Clerkship should
occur in this part of the Country It would be well to
recommend him — ^his father was a brave and useful
officer & was wounded in the Revolution.

I write these things merely for your own informa-
tion and as a small guide to yourself in what may re-
spect this part of the Country —

Thomas Rodney.

46 Thomas Bodney.

Thomas Rodney to CcBsar A. Rodney.

Town of Washington M. T. Sepf . 15^ 1807
My dear Son

Since the Oool Weather Conunenced about ten days
ago I have almost perfectly recovered My health — ^All
is qniet here Except the Political Squabbles which you
will see in the Natchez papers Bespecting Gov'. W. —
Some how or other he has lost the Confidence and Pro-
voked the Besentment of the Bepublicans without ob-
taining the Friendship of the Feds further than to
Excite and Perpetuate the quarrel with the Bepub-
licans &*. Judge Leek wishes to go for his family this
Winter which will prevent my Seeing my friends at
home till next Summer Expecting me on my way home
I have not heard from any of them for more than a
month past — ^But by this time T. H. W. must have
arrived at Bidmiond & Poindexter must be near there
who will Disclose the Beason of my not going — ^after
which I shall Expect to hear from — The last Post
brought no Eastern Mail so that we have nothing official
Bespecting the Cession of the Floridas yet, tho it is
believed the Cession is made — ^It was said last Week
that Smith was Coming to Deliver himself up but I
have not Seen him yet— I hope you have got over the
trouble of Moving and got your family settled in the
Federal City

Thomas Bodney.

Thomas Rodney to CcBsar A. Rodney.

Town of Washington Oct'. 18*^ 1807
My dear Son

Since writing my last Letter Several Licidents have
Occurred that increases the Unfavorable aspect of
affairs in the West — ^In the Orleans papers by the For-
mer Mail It appears that Judge Lewes of that terri-
tory in the Course of Biding the Circuit had his Horse
killed, and the People it seenvs threatend to kill him if

Thomas Rodney. 47

he did not depart which he thought it most pradent
to do tho he was the only territorial Judge then in the
Territory for Judge Sprig was gone Home and Judge
Matthews is still near this town and Very HI — The
Judges there seem to have become Very Unpopular —
and the (Jovemor here : In fact great Discontent ap-
pears among the People in both A writer in the Tele-
graph at Orleans Even advises the People to appeal to
Bonaparte to inforce the Bights and Privileges Re-
served to the old Inhabitants in the Cession of Louis-
iana — ^and Discontent is increasing rapidly in this Ter-
ritory arising from Conduct of the Governor If you
read the Natchez papers you have seen what abuse and
Accusation has turned against him for Some time past
He has lately in the Course of a short time Dismissed
a number Staunch and popular Republicans from
ofiSce^ & yesterday Col. Claiborne, Major Sessions &
Major Carles, the Field Officers of the first Regiment
were all turned out of office while holding a Court
Marshal in this town — Col : Claiborne and Major Ses-
sions were also Judges of the County Court of Adams
and were Dismissed from both their Civil and Military
offices These are all respectable and popular men —
This affair has Caused great Agitation, and Combined
with other things Indicates great Disorder if not
Violence among the Community.

The Circuit Court for the County Commenced on
Munday last, I attended on that day with Judge Lecke
till Juries were Impanelled and left the Court on Tues-
day to attend other necessary business — ^After which
Indictments for Libels were found by the Grand Jury
against George Poindexter, late Att'. General, Col.
Baker, Doct'. Shaw, Editor of the Messenger and Wil-
liam Winston, Past Master at Washing and A. Moor-
house for publications in the Natchez papers Complaint
was made also ag'. the Governor & against the Editor
of the Herald but no Presentments found — I will in-

48 Thomas Rodney.

close a list of the Grand Jury If I can obtain one in
time & M'. Poindexter will know them — ^and can inform
you who are Federal who Republican — Thus you will
see the Seeds of discord and disorder thickly strewd in
our territory, as well as that of Orleans If the Cabinet
read the western papers they cannot avoid noticing
these Indications of Trouble in the West and it may
Beasonably be apprehended that the Escape of the most
Vilianous Traitor and treason that ever was planned
or attempted in any Country will have a general tend-
ency to increase the troubles of the West for this
Country is strewd with the Minions and Emisaries of
the arch Traitor. There is danger that this territory
will be Completely Federal in a little time — So many
of the Republicans have been Dismissed from office
that most of them that yet remain will probably resign.
What the Consequence may be is yet uncertain but I
hope the Administration will adopt such wise and pru-
dent Measures as will avoid Indangering the loss of a
part of our Country which has Cost the Government
so much. Nothing less than wise prudent Experienced
and Respectable Rulers can aswage the temper and dis-
content that now prevail — ^Without this there is reason
to apprehend Violent Struggles in the West.

Judge Leek Intending to go for his family after the
Fall Courts are over has agreed to attend to the Court
& let me Enjoy a little rest for the first time since I
have been here — So that I mean to Visit the Walnut
lulls next week to Settle or dispose of a Tract of Land
I have there — ^You will please to Inform M^ Poindexter
that Major Carter informed me yesterday that Major
Trask had lost his little Daughter and tiiat the rest of
the family were well.

Expecting me home has prevented my receiving any
Letters from my friends for a long time — ^I cannot now
Expect the pleasure of Seeing them till next Summer if
Judge Leek goes home this fall — Give my love to Susan
and the Children —

Thomas Rodney. 49

P. S. A Gentleman lately from Accomack in Vir-
ginia who has moved to Orleans waited on me the day
before yesterday to Deliver the Respectful Compli-
ments of Doct'. F. Fisher, Doct'. Gardner, OoL Copper
and Col. Waters old acquaintances and friends in that
Country — ^he says Doct". Fisher & Gardner are both
in health and prosperous Situations.

Thomas Bodney.

(Written along the side of the page) — I have Con-
stantly avoided medling in the Local politics of the
West yet think that you should be rightly informed of
them for the Direction of your own Conduct as one of
the Cabinet for what may be said by Either party will
need a grain of allowance.

Thomas Bodney to Ccssar A. Rodney.

Town of Washington M. T. Oct'. [?] 1807.
My dear Son

I mentioned in a former Letter that Elisha I. Hall
Esq^ of Virginia had been here and that I was to have
traversed the Wilderness with him and T. H. W. If
I had not been taken Sick — ^The Doct'. wrote to me from
South West Point on his way home where he went for
the Purpose of bringing his family to this Country —
The Doct'. First Studied Physic and then the Law
which he practised on the Eastern Shore of Maryland
Some time and then Married and Moved to Virginia
near Winchester and now Litends to become a Cotton
Planter in this Country he Desires me to Litroduce
him to you by Letter that he may tell you all about this
Country. He staid most of his time Li Washington
While in this territory, but rode a good deal about to
see the Country — ^I rode with him Several times ft
Introduced him to a number of the most respectable
Planters in our part of the Territory, and he was gen-
erally pleased with the Friendly Hospitality he met
with — ^As he Intends to Visit the City of Washington

Vol. XLV.-

50 ThomM Rodney.

I shall Inclose my Letter to him in this to yon — ^The
Doct'. as we Call him stndied Law wilh M^ Smith Sec-
retary of the Navy and being a man of Information
Can give yon a better acconnt of this Country than
those Transient Visitors who only glance over it for
Transient purposes — ^I have recovered my health per-
fectly since the Cool weather Commence — ^the Papers
inform ns that the Jury have acquitted Burr of Treason
in the District of Virginia — ^This was apprehended If
the Court rejected the Evidence of Assembling his
Forces on Cumberland Island — ^Nevertheless he will
always be Considered as a Traitor since the public
knows that this fact Combined with his Plans ft Inten-
tion has Evidently shewn him to be such — and therefore
he may Expect to be detested throughout the U. S. by
all who are Sincerely attached to the government.
Some of his Agents here however (and this territory
Contains numbers of them) rejoiced greatly on hearing
of his acquittal and some of them, I have been told,
talked of raising his Standard Immediately — ^If no
Examples are made there is little doubt but his minions
will be the Cause of great Disturbances in the Country
— ^I Dined yesterday at Col: Elliss in Company with
Governor Claiborne and his Lady where Burrs Escape
was Spoken of The Governor Declared he was so fully
Convinced of the treason of Burr and his Party that
Every man of them ought to be hung — ^The Gtov'. was
to go off today and Intended to Decend the Biver to
Point Coupre and thence to go by the Tuccapaw
[Tucapau] where his wifes father lives — ^A friend of
the Governors hinted to me that he Intended to visit
the Federal City this Fall with a View of Resigning
for his Situation Seems to have become Verry Disagre-
able to him by the Great abuse and Opposition he has
met with — ^I some time ago several years since observed
to you that these Western Governments required Men
of Military Caracter ft Experience in State affairs to

Thomas Rodney. 51

govern them — Snch would Command respect imd
traitors would not Consider it so Easy to stir up Mis-
chief in the Western Country Gov^ W. has lost all the
Confidence of the Republicans and is treated with sudi
abuse & Disrespect by them that he has no Assylum
but among the Federalists which in a few years bids
fair to Completely Federalize this Territory — ^the
Present Lowering aspect in the West can only be dis-
pelled by the most wise and Considerate Appointments
— ^If Merit and not favoritism Dictates them the Gen-
eral Government would soon acquire a degree of Con-
fidence that Could not be Shaken by Traitors.

M^ Poindexter has lost his youngest son since he left
here — I Visited the family since and find that M".
Poindexter bears the affliction with a great deal of
decent fortitude — I shall write to him as soon as I git
a lezure Moment but make no doubt his friends have
informed him of this disaster before this. — ^I hope you
ft your family have got quietly Settled at the Federal
City — ^Present my affectionate regard to Susan ft the
Children.

Thomas Bodney.

Thomas Rodney to CcMOur A. Bodney.

Town of Washington Nov'. 12*^ 1807-
My dear Son

I returned the day before yesterday from a Jaunt to
the Walnut hills the highest Land in our territory, and
perhaps the Bichest Soil next to the Biver bottom Land
and Lideed great part of it not inferior to bottom
Lands. The Lands however are only settled along the
Bluff of the Misisipi from the big black Biver up to
the walnut hills and six miles up the Yazoo Bluff I had
bought 2 small Tracts 2 miles beyond the hills and one
mile from the Great fishing Lake which is part of the
old bed of the Yazoo when it fill into the great Biver at
the W. hills — ^Most of the Land between the Biver and

52 Thomcbs Rodney.

big black belong to the U. S. and are all Bich but some
parts of it much broken with hills and Bjos — ^The Wal-
nut hills are the Marvels of the Territory and probably
in a short time after the public Lands are sold will
begin to outstrip Natchez — Their Crops this year far
exceed this part of the territory in abundance ^er
Acre — I found my tract more pleasantly situated than
I expected — ^My 400, acre tract is on the hills including
a Valley running through it and a never failing stream
of Water running through the Valley which has to
decend one hundred feet before it reaches the Lake,
yet the road up to this tract is of Easy assent and from
the bottom of the hill quite Level to the Landing on the
Eiver at the W. hills — Infact that part of the territory
will be the most Pleasant and healthy part of the
Country when Improved — Judge Bay & tumbull have
80 Slaves at work at the hills and will make 150,000 w*.
of Cotton this year and a much larger quantity annually
in future for they had almost all their Land to Clear —
The General Assembly had adjourned last winter to
the first Munday in this Month — The Gov', sugested
that the adjournment was Blegal &*. and yesterday he
proroged them without day. Most of them were highly
displeased at this and some of them thought it was done
to prevent their Complaining of his Conduct SH". they
have however dispersed — ^I write frequently but
whether my Letters reach you or not I cannot tell be-
cause I have not heard from you for a long time The
Post Office here is in the hands of M'. Winston brother
in law to the Governor and of late very Lidifferently
attended to and some Suspect mismanagement as they
say many Letters have been delaid in the office a week
or two and one was lately noticed from M'. Branhem
to have the seal broken before sent away I do not know
what occasions this alteration of Conduct for Winston
used to be very attentive. The course of Local Politics
here you will find best displaid in the Natchez Papers —

Thomas Rodney. 53

I cannot tell why Smith does not send my Intelligencer
Eegularly to this Town — ^I wrote to him a long time
ago to Direct it to this town or not send it at all — ^I
git only one in three or four weeks so that it is useless —
When Burrs Trial is published dont neglect to send me
a Copy —

There seems to have been some secret Correspond-
ence between Burr and Wilkinson that both of them
seem Inclined to Conceal — ^What is that Delicacy that
Conceals this Correspondence — ^If the Conduct of
Either of them be Treasonable is not the other bound
by the Law as well as the duty he owes his Country to
reveal it? Can there be any Excuse for an honest mans
Concealing the treasonable projects of a Traitor? Is
private Confidence to out weigh Public duty — ^Wilkin-
sons Caracter was brightning but I fear that Secret un-
revealed Correspondences will Darken it again.

Thomas Bodney.

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A, Rodney.

Washington Nov'. 20*^ 1807.

My dear Son - •:,::•» ;:••:•••;*-•*•"- '

We have Federal Citf-^eVs' ipJli^-lBi^.ranfl Eich-
mond Papers to the 20^^ of la6t;]^j]rn^ -biit it h&ve not
heard from you for three jhontljs pfCi5.1^I:^nO)i6"for the
last mail but being away it was not put in the office —
Indeed the Office is badly attended here of late — I have
called on Mail day several times and not found any
person in the office tho tiie door has always been open
so that it seems doubtful whether the Letters are se-
cure in it or not — ^what the reason of this is I know not
for Winston used to be very attentive — The dissatis-
faction between the Gov', and Republicans seems daily
increasing and they seem determined to memorialize
the Government against his Conduct — Those Repub-
licans not removed are resigning so that in a Little time
there will be few or none in office — but as to politics I

54 Thomas Rodney.

mnst refer yon to the Natchez papers or to M'. Poin-
dexter with whom the leading Bepnblicans Correspond

Thomas Bodney.

Thonias Rodney to Ccemr A. Rodney.

T. of Washington M. T. Nov'. 25*^ 1807.
My dear Son

Yonr Letter of the 25*^ Ult. came to hand by the Mail
this Morning — ^I was very glad on receiving it for I had
not heard from yon so long that I began to be anxions
and apprehensive something was the matter — ^therefore
was rejoiced to find yon and family were well and that
Snsan had bronght yon another Daughter.

The Virginia Argus came on by this Mail — ^It Con-
tained M'. Poindexter^s Examination at Richmond —
I observe by that and other Examinations great
Struggles were made to Cast all the odium possible on
the President, Q-en^ Wilkinson and myself — ^L. Martin
has been by his assertions, violent in his accusation of
my Conduct and no doubt was very drunk at the same
time — The modem Thersites ought to remember what
his PtotOtypcr ?uff erp4 f^P^:*he Correction of Ulysses
— ^f or i^imil^.blackgirj (J!9nj3^4t — On my Betum from
the Ftfd^tralrCity torBoyer-i/iSOS, I stoped at Balti-
moreiiLi Mkrtin i^hii^ on i^^d Introduced himself
for this was the only time I ever saw him — He was re-
markably Polite and friendly, and spent the Evening
with me at the Tavern where I had put up — ^We had
much Conversation about this Country in the Course
of which he frequently asserted that the western
Country would Seperate from the U. States in less than
ten years and begged me to remember what he then
said — ^I differed widely from his opinion on the subject,
and assured him I should do Every thing in my power
to prevent such a Seperation should it be attempted
while I should remain in this Country but that I had
no apprehension of such an Event — ^But when Burrs

Thonuis Rodney. 55

attonpt became Evident I was Indnced to think it prob-
able that Martin was acquainted with such an Inten-
tion Even before I Came here — ^For I have since ob-
served several affidavits published which tend to shew
that he was will acquainted with Burrs Intentions — ^He
and Burr are sutable Companions — ^Both them are Void
of both Honor and Veracity & Completely fitted in Dis-
position to any kind of ViUiany — and both will be Dis-
pised and Ditested in America as long as the Patriotic
Love of Liberty and good Government remains. The
President will be Honored and Bespected as much as
they are Ditested and Dispised for their Villianous
attempt to asspurse his Caracter and Conduct As to
Burrs Soldiership he is only a Pistol Warrior; when
here^ he trembled at the mention of Wilkinson Name,
thereby discovering that he thought Wilkinson Superior
to himself as a Soldier tho' in his boasting Letter he
had Vainly said ** Wilkinson should be second to Burr*'
— his LnbicUe attempt to overturn the Government of
his Country tho' it Evidences the Traitor shews noth-
ing in it of a great Mind beyond that of Vain ambition
and Intreague — The C. J. I observe has Extended his
opinion so as to render the Assemblage at Cumberland
Island quite Innocent — Therefore Burr will meet with
no punishment but the Detestation of his Country — ^I
wrote to yourself and M'. Poindexter by the last Mail
and have littie to add here — ^I still Enjoy good health —
The Supreme Court is in Session and wiU hold this
week and next and then Judge Leak^ returns for his
family — ^Bruin does not attend, — he was Confined with
very sore Eyes — ^I shall Expect the Presidents Mes-
sage and the Pamphlet you mention by the next Mail —
I have not a doubt but the Message will support the
P". usual Dignity and Excellence — ^He is like a Bock
in the Ocean against which the tempest beats in Vain
and serves only to Pollish and not Injure — So rage in
Vain his Virulent adversaries — ^His Conduct towards

56 Thomas Rodney.

Burr was like Ithurials spear — ^It Exhibited the Traitor
Fiend in all his old ugly form.
God bless you all adieu

Your affect"". Father

Thomas Bodney.
Major Carter informs me that M". Poindexter and
all the family are well — ^If none of them write by this
mail he will be glad to hear this.

Thomas Rodney to CcBscur A. Rodney.

Town of Washington M. T. Dec^ 24*^ 1807
My dear Son

I wrote to you by last mail, and was not then very
well but have got quite well again — ^By the European
Intilligenoer it seems as if we should be unavoidably
plunged into a war or by the Maritime Conduct of
France and Great Brittain be Deprived of all our Com-
merce — ^Each one of those Tyrants is Determined that
no Neutral Nation shall supply the other thus they pro-
hibit the Commerce of all the rest of the World — ^They
have become Desperate and regard not the Law or
moral Eules of Nature or Nations — This then must
produce a Crisis in respect to this Country that will
require all the Wisdom of the General Government to
Manage — ^What can they do If France and Great
Brittain adhere to their imperial Blockade? Will it be
prudent to trust our Ships at Sea when they are sure
to be siezed by one tyrant or the other without resist-
ance? Or can it be advisable to fight them both? — or
can we make a friend of one by fighting the other? —
Or will it be more wise to shut ourselves up like a
terrapin in its Shell, and by Encouraging Manufactures
determine to live within ourselves till the storm blows
over? To mount the winds, sit in the the Tornado &
direct the Storm, or to attempt this, I fear would be to
enter on the Stage of Tyrants, for altho I dread noth-
ing that any foreign Tyrant can do, yet he who can

Thomas Rodney. 57

make such Potent ones as now Rule abroad, might after-
wards become a Tyrant himself — Such has often been
the Case — and our Country has lately Exhibited an
Example of what It may produce when Circumstances
are more favorable to the ambitious — ^But whatever the
Crisis may be I doubt not the Wisdom and Virtue of
the Nation will be Competent to meet it. —

The Legislature of this Territory was, today pro-
rogued till the first Munday in February — ^It was Said
they were drawing up a Memorial to the Federal GJov-
emment ag*. the Governor, but whether this was the
Cause of their being Prorogued or not I have not heard,
but it is said some of the Members are much displeased
at this Interruption of their business.

Judge Leak set off the day before yesterday to Vir-
ginia for his family, he will hardly have time to visit
the Federal City as he aught to be here again by the
4"* Munday in May. In the meantime I have all the
Circuit Courts to attend for Judge Bruin is quite unable
to attend — ^When you write home give my Love to Sally
& Susan and the Children. God bless you Adieu

Thomas Bodney.

Thomas Rodney to Ccsscur A. Rodney.

Washington M. T. Jan^ 27*^ 1808.
My dear Son

Your Letter of the 3*. of December Came to hand by
last mail — I am very glad to hear that all our friends
are well — ^but am sorry to hear that you have got your
hip hurt — ^You do not say how it happened but as it is
a dangerous joint to git Injured you aught to be very
careful how you use it till it gits restored —

The Inclosures — ^M'. Duanes Letter and that Webbs
Exrs, Came safe to hand — ^M'. Duanes business I have
put in the hands of M'. Shields who will attend to it —
Col. Ellis Died last fall and his widow & Extrix M".
Ellis has not yet informed me whether she will take

58 Thomas Rodney.

the Coach or not but I put the Letter in her hands, and
think it probable she would take the Carriage If there
was any Market for Cotton (for they have 2 Crops now
on hand) — Since writing the above M" Ellis Called at
my House^ on her way to Wood-Lawn, her Buffalo
plantation, and says she will inform me on her return
whether she will take the Coadi or not, but inclines to
take it if she can sell her Cotton so as to Enable
her to make the necessary Remittance — Judge Bruins
Besignation has reached the Seat of (Government & of
course the Vacancy will be filled next Mardi — ^I only
remind you of what I said in favor of M'. Poindexter
last Winter — ^He is a warm and Decided Republican
and a very sincere friend to those he likes, and having
Executed the office of Att^ Qen\ for several years with
great Litegrity and ability, stands Customarily in the
road to that appointment but I fear (for some Cause
unknown to me) he is not in favor with the new Presi-
dent yet stands fair, I am told with the President Elect
I am persuaded they will not git one better qualified —
It will be material to me that a Successor to Bruin
should be here by the 4*^ Munday in May because I
have a strong desire to visit my native state next April
yet the Republicans & Indeed the People generally ob-
ject to my going for fear that I will not return — ^For
they are very ardent to form a Convention to make a
Constitution and then to apply to be admitted into the
Union as a State — and wish my aid in this business —
And for aught I know my Presence may be of use to
prevent anything untoward in the progress of sudi an
Event — ^For the People generally seem so dissatisfied

and angry with the Conduct of Gov'. W that some

irregular Conduct might take place If not moderated
by those they respect.

It appears by the papers that M^ Madison has b^en
Elected President by a Considerable Majority he will
probably make the most agreeable successor to M'. Jef-

Thomas Rodney. 59

f erson, as being of the same mind in a great degree and
being also well Versed in his plans & System of police-
Yet I feel hi^ respect for the Patriotism & Bevolntion^
ary Principles of M'. Clinton and M^ Mnnro, and shall
therefore be sorry if the angry publications of Differ-
ent Pairtisans should make any Difference among the
Principals on acct of one being pref erred, which was
Enevitable —

In a Republic like ours if a hundred were nominated,
all aught to be satisfied with the one preferred by the
People — Therefore M'. Clinton ft Munro will be so, and
give M^ Madison all the aid in their Power to promote
the Interest ft welfare of the U. S. — The Present Crisis
demands a Combination of all the Patriotism and wis-
dom of the Nation — This will Excite every man who
loves his Country to Contribute his Mite — ^Adieu.

Thomas Bodney

P. S. I know nothing of the Closet politics at [head]
[torn] quarters but report says that the Sect^ of War
the Secret^, of the Treasury ft the Postmaster General
go out with the old President — ^If so M'. Madison Will
have almost a New Cabinet — ^Yet Even report has not
Designated the new ministers — They will have an Ardu-
ous Task on their hands.

Thomas Rodney to CcMor A. Rodney.

Town of Washington M. T. Feb'. 22*. 1808.
My dear Son

I frequently write to you altho I have not received a
Letter from you for a long time — ^Nor have I received
the Pamphlets you promised — ^I shall like you to send
me Capt". Lewis's Travels to the western Ocean when
published — ^I understand by M'. Shields that M'. Poin-
dexter is a Candidate to succeed Judge Bruin here in
Case the Judge Resigns, which I have been told by M'.
Bragwale one of our bar who resides in Clalbom
County, he means to do about the first of April after

60 Thomas Rodney.

attending the Circuit Courts of daibome and Jefferson
— ^I know of no Republican Lawyer here more fit for
that Station and I question if any Could be prevailed
on to Come from the States more Competent — ^He has
also been the Attorney General here several years and
discharged that Duty with ability & attention and you
know that in the Country from whence our Juris-
prudence is derived that is the road to the bench — ^I
hope M^ Shields will be appointed District Attorney,
and young Pope, (son of Colonel Charles Pope of Dela-
ware) Marshal of this District.

The mail has been very irregular for two months past
— The latest news received from the Federal City, is
up to the 4** of Jan^. last — ^We have heard of M^ Bows
arrival at Norfolk but know nothing what his Mission
has or will Effect — The Planters and Merchants here
bare the Effects of the Imbargo with patience but would
be glad to see it at an end without war if possible — The
Brittish blockading Orders have arrived here, and tend
in some degree to make the Imbargo Sit more Easy —
It is Expected from Some Communication received here
that the Chocktaw treaty will be ratified — ^I rather
think this will be advantageous to us — I hear nothing
further of any additional allowances to the Commis-
sioners who acted west of Pearl Biver — ^We came here
at the rate of two thousands Dollars a year — Congress
varied the Compensation after we were here — ^Was this
Equitable, or can they think it reasonable that we
should attend to the business in this Expensive Country
a year and a half which I have done without any Com-
pensations t If they will not let us have money, it
would be but just to Compensate us in Lands — ^Tea they
aught to compensate us generously — ^What would it be
out of their Pockets to bestow on the Board and its
oflScers a township somewhere between the Biver and
the big black! I have seen the Presidents Letters de-
clining a future Election This determination is truly

Thomas Rodney. 61

Patriotic — ^but I wish it may not be attended with dis-
cord, or danger at this Crisis.

We observe by the papers that a Violent rupture has
taken place between M'. Randolph and Gten\ W. and
that the President has ordered a military Court to En-
quire into the Generals Conduct — ^This together with
Burrs Conspiracy, and Mirandas Expedition, Indi-
cates a Restless Spirit of Discord in our Country — ^but
I trust the Patriotic Virtue of the people will overrule
everything adverse to their Liberty and welfare.

Thomas Rodney

Thomas Rodney to CcBsar A. Rodney,

M. T. Town of Washington March !■* 1808.
My dear Son

I know not whether M'. Dunbar or M'. Peas, have
given any of their Correspondents at the Federal City
any account of the Comet which made its appearance
above the western Horizon here in the Evening about
the 20"" of September and was first observed by M'.
Peas (the Surveyor Gen^ on the 22™" of Sept', and he has
traced its path since to the 3* of Feb^. or had done so
when I Conversed with him last — It had then passed
through an arch of 140 degrees and no doubt he has
traced it several Degrees since — I mentioned in a for-
mer Letter that M'. Dunbar had traced its path through
135 Degrees on the 17"" of January, and had designated
its path on a large Celestial globe so that it could be
accurately seen by any person Its Course seemed to be
from S. W. to N. E. Their observations Commenced
while it was on the Leg of the Virgin a little below her
Robe, and in its Course passed over the bright Star
Lyra in the Harp — ^I went several times to view this
Phenomina through M'. Dunbars glasses, which are the
best we have in this part of our Country — ^Indeed they
are Excellent.

I expect He and M'. Peas, after their observations

62 Thomas Rodney.

are Completed, (for I believe the Comet is not out of
their View yet) and corrected, Will publish them for
the Information of the World, & particularly other
Observers of the Same Phenomina — and they will tend
to shew that this territory is not altogether in the dark
or destitute of Scientific men — ^Indeed I believe their
observations have been made with sudi accuracy and
attention as will not only do Credit to themselves but
tend to the Improvement of Astronomy in respect to
the Phenomina of Comets which is no doubt very De-
fective at present — ^For even the most skillful and En-
lightened Astronomers have yet very strange and
absurd Ideas about Comets — ^Ideas totally Inconsistant
with the Infinitely wise order and Regulations of the
Universe.

Even some if not all our most Enlightened Astron-
omers Consider the Comets as Wandering, as it were,
at random through our Solar System, within the Orbits
of the other Planets and liable to rua foul of them or
bum them up &^&^ — This is surely nothing better than
Scientific nonsense & inconsistant with the Nature of
the Planets, and Principles of the Universe,

The Comets are no doubt Planets belonging to the
Solar System, moving in more distant and more Elip-
tical, or more Eccentric, orbits than the other known
Planets of our system. Their Atmospheres no doubt
are Calculated to supply them with a due degree of
Light and heat in all parts of their Orbits — ^In ap-
proaching the sxm their Atmosphere having like our
own the Capacity of baring only a certain degree of
heat gradually retires behind the body of the Planet
and forms what we Call the tail, and by this means
moderates the degree of heat on the body of the planet
so as to render it Comfortable to the Inhabitants that
occupy it — ^Again when the Planet is retiring the At-
mosphere gradually Collects round it again so as to
afford it a Comfortable degree of heat and light at its

Thomas Rodney. 63

greatest distance from the Snn. When the Phenomina
of the Comets Comes to be better nnderstood by As-
tronomers, the propriety of what I have here Sugested
will then appear. This will not reach yon till yon have
more laznre to read than I expect yon have now — ^We
have had here no warm weather this winter, bnt we
have had pleasant Spring weather for abont ten days
past — I have got one Sqnare of Peas planted and a
good many small seeds sewn bnt none np yet — Several
however have their Early Peas stnck — ^Ajb I mnst set
ont on the Circnit this week I mnst git all my seeds in
the gronnd before I go away. The Legislature here
will conclnde their Session this Evening — ^As Gov'.
Williams Period of OflSce Expires today they have
doubts whether he can Legally Act longer Unless re-
appointed — and as the Secretary T. H. W. is absent
they think an Interregnum will take place — The Gov',
thinks he has a right to act, Untill he is reappointed
or a Successor arrives and qualifies &f. I sugested to
the Members that the Decision of this Question did not
rest Either with them or the Governor but with the
Judiciary — and that they could not Decide it, Untill it
Came in Some way Legally before them — The Misisipi
is xmusually high at this time and there is an uncom-
mon Number of Kentucky boats at Natchez so that
Country produce is Very CSieap — Flour $5. Com 3 bits.
Bacon 8 dol'. p'. hund"*. — a vast supply of other articles
Equally Cheap, & many Cheaper — ^beside the great
number of boats at Natchez they run into Every River
& Creek in all parts of the Country — I reed, a Letter
dated 10*^ of Jan^. from Doct'. Hall in which he men-
tions that he had not reed, a Letter I inclosed to you
for him — ^If you have not seen him, send it to him at
Winchester Virginia —

Thomas Rodney
N. B. While I was writing this Letter the (Jovemor
Dissolved the General Assembly.

64 Thomas Rodney.

(Written on the side of the first page — )
Note — ^we reed, no paper from the Federal City by
the mail to-day — March 2*.

Thomas Rodney to CcRsar A, Rodn&y.

Town of Washington March 18** 1808
My dear Son

Tonr Letter of the 28** of Jan', came to hand some
days ago — Since which we^have had the News by way
of Tennessee to the 1 of Feb', and by way of Orleans
to the 15** of the same montibi from the Federal City —
If it be time that M'. Bow has demanded that the Presi-
dent should Becind his Proclamation respecting the
Chesapeake previous to his Negociating, I shall be
proud to hear that he is Dismissed without further
Ceremony, and Let Old England Sink with the weight
of her own Haughty and Imperious Pride for that will
be her fate in the Course of the Next war she wages
with America. It is well known to the Statesmen both
of Great Brittain and France, that if America is forced
into a war with one or the other of those powers against
the other, that other must be over thrown — ^Both of
them therefore are Equally Impolitic to Endeavour to
force us into a war against either — ^Bonapartes Decree
of Blockade is an Act of foolery — and the Brittish
Court have been weak Enough to be fooled by it into
a Measure Equally mad, and far more Destructive to
themselves.

I find the Conflict between GtenK W. on one side and
Burr & Clark &*" on the other is growing very sharp and
Inviterate, and as you are situated it will require firm
guarded and Prudent Conduct to preserve you from
being drawn into share any part of the Conflict beyond
what your duty may require.

Bdrr is no doubt the Prime Mover of the attack on
the Gteneral, and therefore it is the duty of government
to support the General against that Host of traitors to

Thomas Rodney. 65

their Country — ^Tet if it shonld be proved that the Gen-
eral ever received a Pension from Spain or ever at-
tempted or was disposed to separate the western
Conntry from the Union, I shonld think it not safe to
let onr Army remain under his Command — ^Tet I hope
he will make it appear that all those Charges are
ground [less] for I should Indeed Very much Regret
see*, an Old Revolutionary proved guilty of thus debas-
ing his Virtue and Patriotism — ^But whatever the Gen-
erals former Conduct may have been his Dicided op-
position to the traitor Burr was highly Meritorious —
The Generals son is at Orleans at least I have not heard
of his return nor did I see him when he was up, but
M'. W". Dunbar told me he Intended Settling in this
territory to practise the Law and had gone down to
Orleans for his wife — If he Comes I shall attend to
your request — ^As the aspect of Public affairs looks like
an approaching war ; If it should happen my advice to
government is that they appoint no special Commander
in Chief — As the Army must be in different bodies, dis-
tantly seperated, let each army or body of the army
have its own Commander — accoxmtable only to the
President or Sect", of War — ^As there can hardly be less
than 4 or 5 seperate Detachments it will require a Major
General to Command each.

I am glad to hear the family are all well, give my love
to Susan & the Children and Sister Sally.

Thomas Rodney

(To be continued.)

Vol. XLV.

66 Charles Lee.

CHABLES LEB^^TOBMY PETBEL OP THE

EEVOLXJTION.*

BY EDWARD BOBINS, M.A.

Major-General Charles Lee, about whom I have the
honour to speak to you tMs evening, is one of the most
picturesque and one of the most ill-starred figures that
cross the panorama of Revolutionary history, and it is
perhaps for this reason that I have chosen him for my
subject. I have always thought that he would make a
striking theme for an historical novel, and, although I
have not the skill to treat him in that way, I shall try
tonight to sketch briefly the rise, decline and fall, to
show the bright lights and dark shadows, of this para-
doxical man of whom it may be said, in charity, that
he was his own worst enemy.

Brilliant, imperious, liberal-minded but narrow, vain
to the verge of insanity, acid of tongue, talented yet
unbalanced, brave yet treacherous, a lover of animals
but quarrelsome with men, spirited yet meanly envious,
— a strange jumble of good and evil — such was Charles
Lee, who lies buried without the walls of old Christ
Church in this city, his grave unmarked and forgotten,
his reputation sadly blackened, and **none so poor to
do him reverence. ' '

Li his entertaining ^^ Essays Historical and Liter-
ary '^ the late John Fiske has said of Lee : ** Wherever
a war is going on, it is apt to draw from other countries
a crowd of officers who come to look on and give advice,
or perhaps to study the art of war under new condi-
tions, or to carve out for themselves a career for which

* An address delivered before the Historical Society of PennsjlTania,
Maieh 14, 1921.

^^^■^^^■^*^^^^»^^i^"^i^^«—- ^^^^^

Charles Lee. 67

no chance seems to be offered them at home. This was
amply illnstrated in the war of indep^dence. • • •
A swarm of officers crossed the Atlantic in the hope of
obtaining commands and not less than twenty-seven
snch foreigners served in the Continental army, with
the rank of general, either Major or brigadier. I do
not refer to snch French allies as came with Bocham-
bean, or in company with the fleets of D'Estaing and
De Grasse. I refer only to snch men as obtained com-
missions from Congress, and were classed for the time
as American officers. Some were drawn hither by a
noble, disiaterested enthusiasm for the cause of polit-
ical liberty; some were mere selfish schemers or crack-
brained vagrants in quest of adventure. • • • Among
the former there were five who attained real eminence
and have left a shining mark upon the pages of his-
tory. '^ Here Fiske alludes to De Kalb, Lafayette, Pu-
laski, Kosciusko and Baron Steuben. And he adds:
^^But in the eyes of the generation which witnessed the
beginning of the Revolutionary War, none of the Euro-
pean officers just mentioned was anything like so con-
spicuous or so intermting a figure as Charles Lee.
He was on the gpround before any of these others;
he had already been in America; he came with the
gpreatest possible amount of noise ; he laid claim to the
character of a disinterested enthusiast so vehemently
that people believed him.'*

Personally, I think that General Lee was more sin-
cerely interested in the American cause when he first
attached himself to it than John Fiske gives him credit
for being, but we all know how this tempestuous Eng-
lish soldier weakened in the end and finally betrayed
it. It is certain, at least, that he took up the rights
of the Americans with tremendous energy, by act, and
word, and pen, and for a time enjoyed a prestige over
here which threatened to submerge the far nobler, more
efficient but less spectacular Washington.

68 Charles Lee.

When Lee reached New York in 1773,— he had been
here before dpring the English campaigns against the
French — everything that was known about his past
career tended to foster this prestige. For he had al-
ready played an active and noisy part in European
life, and bore the reputation of being a man of aristo-
cratic lineage, a brave and experienced oflBcer and a
virile pamphleteer in the cause of ideal democracy.

Charles Lee came of an old Cheshire family, and was
bom at Demhall in 1731, his father being of the British
army. Part of his youthful education was received in
Switzerland where he acquired a good working knowl-
edge of French and the classics and where his environ-
ment gave him that love of free government and hatred
of tyranny for which he afterwards became famous and
which he sometimes vented from the housetops, figur-
atively speaking, with all the ardor of a modem Fourth
of July orator. Later he picked up at least a smatter-
ing of Spanish, Latin and German and set himself to
study the art and technique of war as it was practiced
in those days before Napoleon had arisen to show that
real war is something more than cut and dried science.
When the time came for him to carry out the teaching
of this art as a commander in the American Revolution
he found, much to his surprise, that he was not half as
successful as a certain colonial named George Wash-
ington, who didn't know half as much about the art as
he did. It is said, with what truth I know not, that
young Lee was given a commission in the British Army
at the tender age of eleven ; it may be true, because in
the middle of the eighteenth century there existed an
abuse — ^we should call it now by the ** short and ugly''
name of graft — ^by which children sometimes received
commissions and their adoring families drew the pay
accruing therefrom. But when he was fifteen Charles
was appointed an ensign in his father's old regiment,
the Fifty-fourth, and it was as a lieutenant in this regi-

Charles Lee. 69

ment that he later on went to America and took part in
the ill-fated campaign against Fort Dnquesne, xmder
General Braddock. Poor, vain, blustering Braddock.
When he told wise Benjamin Franklin how he was
going to push through the forests of Pennsylvania and
conquer the Indians just as if he were waging a scien-
tific war in Europe against an open enemy, our Phila^
delphia philosopher smiled a pitying smile, for he knew
that the Indians would fight in the stealthy way they
wanted to and not according to the rules of war as laid
down by the hectoring Englishman. And so Braddock
lost his life for his foolishness, and the expedition came
to grief; his young aide, George Washington, went
home, after distinguishing himself, and young Lieuten-
ant Lee escaped with his life, without realizing under
what circumstances fate would throw Washington and
himself together again — ^how they would meet as rebels
to their King, how they would become warm friends,
how they would quarrel, and how Lee would die dis-
mally and almost alone in a Philadelphia tavern, whilst
Washington, whom he had always secretly envied and
tried to unhorse, was being acclaimed the saviour of his
country. Life is full of such contrasts.

When Lee's regiment finally went into winter quar-
ters in Albany, New York, he became very friendly with
the neighboring Mohawk Indians, and was made a mem-
ber of the Bear tribe under the appropriate name of
**Ounewaterika** — for when I add that that means
*' Boiling Water*' you can see the significance of the
title, for if ever there was a man who was always in hot
water that man was Charles Lee. He was always
making trouble, if it didn't come naturally; he had an
unpleasant way of criticizing his superiors, and he
could sometimes say very sharp things to and about his
friends, and the fact that what he said was often true
did not make his wit any the more palatable. We are
often content to have truth remain at the bottom of the
well.

70 Charles Lee.

Now it appears that Lee, seeking more boiling water,
took Tinto himself a wife from among the Indian squaws
— 8i lady whom he enthnsiastically describes as * * a very
gpreat beauty. ' ' But this encumbrance is soon lost sight
of, and I am afraid the fickle soldier, who always liked
the fair sex, did not take the aboriginal Mrs. Lee very
seriously. Save for this Lidian marriage, he remained
a bachelor to the end, and it used to be whispered
among the Chews, the Cadwaladers, the Willings and
other fair Philadelphians, when he was visiting here,
that his ugliness and untidy habits had caused more
than one charmer to refuse him. For Lee was no
beauty, and people made fun, behind his back, of hia
tall, scrawny figure and huge aquiline nose, aad of his
thin legs, which seemed too long for his trunk. He had
piercing, restless eyes and a sarcastic expression about
the mouth, and I warrant you that his friends were
pretty careful what they said to his face, and tried to
make the best of the dogs with which he surrounded
himself. He liked nothing better, indeed, than bringing
his dogs into a drawing room or, better still, having
them eat at the dinner table, and if anybody objected he
was apt to say that he had always found his canine
friends much more attractive and faithful than his
human friends.

I must pass over, in a few words, Lee's military
career prior to our own Revolution. He bought a cap-
taincy in his regiment, he commanded the Forty-fourth
Grenadiers and was wounded in the desperate assault
on Ticonderoga, July 1, 1758 ; he was at the capture of
Niagara in 1759, and at the capture of Montreal, and
in all the active service he saw in America he proved
himself as brave as he was querulous and fault-finding.
And while he loved to call people hard names he did not
enjoy criticism directed against himself; he was very
much like the man who said: ^^I have a keen sense of
humor except when I am made the subject of it I'' So

Charles Lee. 71

when he was quartered in Long Island and a medical
officer lampooned him, Lee did not see the humor of
it, and promptly thrashed the offender, whereupon the
offender attacked Lee, who barely saved his own life.

The year 1761 found Lee back in London, where he
received his appointment, in August of that year,
as Major in the One Himdred and Third Foot, or '* vol-
unteer hunters** as they were called, a newly-raised
light corps. He was one of the officers attached to the
staff of the British Army with which he served as
lieutenant-colonel in the campaign in Portugal, in 1762,
and covered himself with glory under General John
Burgoyne in the brilliant affair at Villa Velha (October
5, 1762) . He returned home at the peace and was placed
on half pay. i

This did not suit the active, critical temperament
of the Lieutenant-Colonel, who was as restless as he
was critical, and who, furthermore, wanted to conquer
in fresh £elds. So he busied himself by inventing a
Utopian scheme for the founding of military colonies
on the Wabash and Illinois, and at intervals of leisure,
he would abuse the English ministry. I think he must
have had some Irish blood in his veins, for he was
never so happy as when he was tilting with the exist-
ing government. He thought the ministry reactionary,
and said so; he learned to look upon the yoxmg King
George IH as a narrow, bigoted man, and the fact that
George was a paragon of domestic virtue did not appeal
to him at all, for Lee himself was not unduly encum-
bered either with domesticity or with virtue. As a
result the Ministers in power, whom he was criticizing
in season and out, disliked him and refused to him the
promotion and honors to which he considered himself
entitled. Thus the brilliant officer went on growing
in bitterness, and the more republican he became in
his sympathies the more he hated the royal Houses of
Hanover and of Stuart. His contempt for the Stuarts

72 Charles Lee.

was deep and unquenchable, and one of the finest bits
of irony for which the Eighteenth Century is distin-
guished is his * ^ Epistle ' * to David Hume, the historian,
in which he subtly ridicules the latter for the way in
which he has '* whitewashed^* the royal House of Scot-
land in his *' History of England.'*

As there seemed no further chance of promotion in
the British army, Lee secured letters of recommenda-
tion to the Polish government, and in 1764 was ap-
pointed a major-general in the Polish army and at-
tached to the personal staff of Stanislaus Poniatowsky
as adjutant-general. He spent several stirring years
with the Poles, and on one occasion nearly lost his life
by being snowed up in the Balkans. We can fancy
that thereafter he had, in his highly vituperative way,
some bad things to say about the Balkans.

After spending several years in Poland, where he
undoubtedly acquired valuable military experience, Lee
returned to England, where he intrigued with suffi-
cient success to procure from a grateful Government
letters patent for crown grants of twenty thousand
acres of land in Florida. What a pity that he didn't
emigrate there and raise oranges ; he might have died,
in due course, in the odor of sanctity, and orange blos-
soms, and no one could have written * traitor" against
his name.

But what Lee really wanted was rapid promotion in
the British army, and as he could not secure this, he
did not hesitate to express his opinion of the British
Ministry in no uncertain terms. The ministers retali-
ated by shrugging their shoulders and remarking that
General Lee was a disappointed and vindictive place
hunter. This was, no doubt, plain truth, but at that
time most people in England were place-hunters of
some kind or other, all seeking little work at large
salaries. I am under the impression, indeed, that this
sort of quest is not unknown in America at the present
day.

Charles Lee. 73

Early in 1769 Lee went back to Poland, held a major-
generaPs command in the campaign against the Turks,
and enlivened the proceedings by telling everybody, in
season and out, what a poor opinion he had of the com-
manders above him.

Once, upon returning from Hungary, Lee nearly died
of a fever; at another time he fought a duel with an
Italian officer — ^another matter of too much talk, I sup-
pose — lost two of his own fingers and kUled the Italian,
with the result that he had to fly to Gibraltar, whence
he embarked for London. This was in 1770, and it was
on his reappearance in England that he wrote the ad-
mirable '* Epistle'' to David Hume of which I have
spoken. At this time he was in possession of a private
income of a thousand pounds sterling a year, through
the death of his brothers, and grants of land in the
colonies, but his restless spirit fretted for action; he
wanted to play a part in the world, and he wanted
a wide stage to do it in. It so happened that the affairs
of America were beginning to attract excited atten-
tion ; the first cloud of the Revolution had arisen, and
Englishmen were discussing the claims of the colonials
and the question of taxation. Some thoughtful persons
contended that the Americans should have all they
wanted, others echoed the harsh sentiment of old
Samuel Johnson, who said that the Americans were
' * a race of convicts ' ' and ought to be thankful for any-
thing the English allowed them ** short of hjmging!"
Now to Lee the cause of the Americans honestly and
sincerely appealed, because it exactly fitted in with his
own views about personal liberty and free government.
As time went on, and the troubles across the water in-
creased, Lee became more and more interested, and
when the clouds of discontent burst into the flames of
open rebellion he determined to go to America and en-
courage the colonials in their just resistance to oppres-
sive measures. I believe that at this time, before envy

74 Charles Lee.

and conceit had altogether mined his character, he was
really ingenuous in his admiration of the American
cause and that he was inspired by the best of motives,
although he doubtless was hoping to play a popular
role in the new country. An experienced and well-
known British officer and pamphleteer going over to
espouse the rights of the Americans was no mean event
in this crisis and Lee naturally expected to become a
bit of a hero. Who can blame him up to this i)ointt
After all, he was, as an officer on half pay, with estates
in the mother country, taking a risk in what he was
about to do. His early biographer, Edward Lang-
worthy, says: ''He was of course absent (in Poland)
when the stamp act was passed ; but, although absent,
he did not cease laboring in the cause of America.
• * • He used every argoment and exerted all the
abilities he was master of with every correspondent
he had, in either House of Parliament. * * * He
gave up security for insecurity, certainty for uncer-
tainty, he threw himself into the lap of America with-
out any chance of winning; he staked all on the side
of her fortune ; if she succeeded, he could not be better ;
if she miscarried his whole was lost. ' '

There is something in what Langworfhy says. Lee
took up the grievances of the Americans long before
there was anything for him to gain by so doing; in-
deed, he was likely to lose by giving offence to certain
influential persons in the British government, who
would see to it that this half -pay British officer and
general in the Polish army would not receive his pro-
motion in a hurry. There was one gentleman, I am
quite sure, who wanted to get even with Lee, and nearly
succeeded later on, and that was his Majesty, King
George HI, who believed that Americans were a race
of rebels, although he did not consider them a race of
convicts. No; I think Charles Lee was really disin-
terested at this time ; if he had only remained so after

Charles Lee. 75

he reached America, and had not had his head tamed
by adulation, all would have been well.

Lee arrived in New York in November, 1773, amidst
the agitation about the tea duties, and was received
with enthusiasm. He travelled through the colonies,
meeting Washington and other prominent men, and the
more openly he expressed his admiration for the cause
of the colonials the more popular he became. Here
was a great British general and statesman— for so the
Americans conceived him — come to encourage them;
the Americans were properly flattered, and General
Lee lost his head. He began to think that he was ' ' the
whole show*' as we would term it now, and to persuade
himself that he would have to teach the Americans how
to run things. He had a great contempt for the un-
trained, civilian generals whom he met, from Wash-
ington down, and slowly but surely his gnarled heart
was devoured by a great canker — ^the thought that he,
and not Washington, should be at the head of the army.
But I am. anticipating a bit. When Lee first reached
this country, he was following the role of an orator
and writer, not a fighter, and in this guise he wrote his
** Strictures on a Friendly Address to All Reasonable
Americans," in which he severely handled the Tory
arguments of the writer of the ** Friendly Address*'
itself. This was in 1774, and in December of the same
year, he sent to his friend, Edmund Burke, through Sir
Joshua Reynolds, the painter, a letter in which he con-
tended that Americans should trust no one in their
affairs unless he held some property in the colonies.
Li order that he might qualify himself, Lee bought an
estate in the Shenandoah Valley, in Berkeley County,
Virginia ; to pay for it he borrowed money from Robert
Morris, giving bills on his agent in England and mort-
gaging the property as security. Later on, when he
had taken up arms against the British Government, the
bills were returned protested, as all his property in

76 Charles Lee.

England had been confiscated, and Congress generously
advanced him $30,000 as indemnity, the money to be
paid back if he shonld ever recover his forfeited estate.
Early in 1775, he had resigned his commission in the
British Army, in a dignified letter which he wrote to
the War OflSce : **The present measures (of the British
Parliament) seem to me, * * he said, ^ * so absolutely sub-
versive of the rights and liberties of every individual
subject, so destructive to the whole empire at large,
and ultimately so ruinous to his Majesty's own person,
dignity and family, that I think myself obliged, in con-
science, as a citizen, Englishman, and soldier of a free
state, to exert my utmost to defeat them. ' '

Would that Lee could have lived up to this high plane.
At this moment he was on the best of terms with Wash-
ington, who admired the English general exceedingly
and seems to have deferred more or less to his opinions,
which were always stated in no uncertain terms. When
Lee went to Philadelphia his advice was eagerly sought
by many members of Congress; from now until his
downfall he remained a very important person, and
even after his court martial, there were some patriots
who believed in him.

Three days before Lee resigned from the British
Army, he had been commissioned by Congress as second
major-general in the Continental Army, Artemas Ward
being first major-general and Washington commander-
in-chief. He accepted the appointment, but with envy
and much uncharitableness in his heart ; he should have
the commandership-in-chief , he thought, or, if not that,
the first major-generalship. For Ward he professed a
great contempt, and called him ' ^ a f at church warden ; ' *
for Washington he did not dare show any disrespect,
but he always felt, until the day of his death, that he
(Lee) should have been the leader and Washington the
led. Subsequently, when Ward resigned, Lee was
second in rank only to Washington, but even this did not

Charles Lee. 77

satisfy his greedy soul. Indeed, there came a time when
some very patriotic persons, finding that the war was
not going well for the canse of liberty, began to think
that perhaps Charles Lee would be a better commander-
io-chief than the Virginian. Joseph Beed must have
thought so, when he wrote to Lee in November, 1776 :
**T confess I do think that it is entirely owing to you
that this army and the liberties of America so far as
they are dependent on it, are not totally cut off. You
have decision, a quality often wanting in minds other-
wise valuable. • * • Oh, General I An indecisive mind
is one of the greatest misfortunes ftiat can befall an
army; I often have lamented it this campaign." In
other days Beed must have realized that the Fabian
policy which he was here criticizing was the only one
that Washington, hampered as he was, could have pur-
sued with any chance of success. No doubt others
wrote to Lee in the same vein, so that he must have
finally become sincerely convinced that the saving of
America really rested with himself. Other generals in
other wars have had the same hallucination.

In analyzing Lee's brief military career in the Amer-
can forces, I do not see any warrant for the value which
some of his contemporaries placed on his services. I
suppose it was because of the fact, which we so often
observe in this queer old world, that when he blew his
own trumpet, as he was constantly doing, a good many
people appraised him at his own valuation. Further-
more, his espousal of the American cause had endeared
him to many, and those colonists who were frankly for
separation from the mother country were wild with
pleasure when he advocated independence — ^as he evi-
dently did. He must have done so, for it is on record
that he wrote to Edward Butledge: **By the eternal
God, if you don't declare yourselves independent, you
deserve to be slaves 1 ' ' He was ever strong in his lan-
guage, as when he referred to King George HI as * * a

78 Charles Lee.

tyrant," and to the British Parliament as an '^aban-
doned " institution. In the meantime, as the good but
fatally obstinate Ejng paced up and down Windsor, he
must have ^ven many a bitter thought to the recalci-
trant Lee. For George HE kept a very close tab on
people, and seldom forgave an injury.

Lee accompanied Washington to Cambridge, where
he was received with much deference, and where
his great reputation had preceded him ; he entered into
a correspondence with his old friend, Gteneral Burgoyne,
now in this country with an army — a conference which
came to naught because the Assembly of Massachusetts
disapproved of its continuance; he was employed at
Newport and New York ; he was nominated to the com-
mand of the American forces in Canada, but was
counter-ordered to Charleston, South Carolina, where
he ostensibly defeated the British attack of June 28,
1776, but the credit for which belonged to Moultrie, and
when he repaired to New York, his chief business, untU
the time he was captured, seems to have been to thwart
Washington in every conceivable way. On his arrival
in New York, he took command of the right wing of
Washington's army, and through the resignation of
Ward, he was now senior major-general and there was
no one above him but Washington I If disaster came to
the latter, it seemed probable that Lee would be put in
his place, to show the Americans what a trained British
soldier, skilled in the technique and strategy and tactics
of war, could accomplish. I must confess that it looks
very much as if Lee tried deliberately to bring this
about. I need not weary my hearers with a detailed ac-
count of Washington's campaign against Howe, or of
the events preceding or following the fall of Fort
Washington. Suffice it to say that General Lee, instead
of bringing all his reputed skill and experience to help
his chief, did everything he conceivably could to upset
his plans, disobeyed his orders and wrote letters cal-

Charles Lee. 79

dilated to increase a certain disaffection then existing
against (general Washington. When the latter reached
Princeton, early in December, 1776, Lee, in disregard
of Washington's orders, marched slowly to Morristown
instead of crossing the Delaware near Alexandria, just
as Gates was approaching on his way from Ticon-
deroga with seven regiments sent down by General
Schuyler to Washington's assistance. Lee managed to
have three of these regiments diverted to Morristown.
Says John Fiske: ^^His design in thus moving inde-
pendently was to operate upon the British flank from
Morristown, a position of which Washington himself
afterwards illustrated the great value. The selfish
schemer wished to secure for himself whatever advan-
tage might be gained from such a movement. His plan
was to look on and see Washington defeated and
humbled and then strike a blow on his own account.

Fiske always makes the very worst of Lee, and paints
him in the blackest colors even when there is little white
to be seen, but one must admit that his theory is more
than plausible. Charles Lee, brave soldier, upholder of
liberty, world patriot, was degenerating into a thing of
meanness and a potential traitor. Just at this moment
a strange thing happened to Lee. He had spent the
night of December 13th at White's Tavern in Basking-
ridge, several miles from his camp. Eiarly in the morn-
ing an oflScer (Major Wilkinson) arrived at the inn
with a dispatch from General Gutes, and Lee, thrusting
an old flannel gown over his night-clothes, placidly got
out of bed and proceeded to write a letter to Gates. He
naturally did not know that a Tory busybody had given
the British, in camp fifteen or twenty miles away, due
notice of his presence in the tavern. As he was finishing
the letter, Wilkinson, looking out of the bedroom win-
dow, saw a troop of red-coated British soldiers riding
rapidly up to the house. They were men from the Six-
teenth Light Dragoons, under command of Colonel

80 Charles Lee.

William Harcourt, some of wbom, by a curious coinci-
dence, had served with Lee in Pbrtugal and remem-
bered him as a brave if somewat irascible soldier.

All sorts of stories were told in after years about
Lee's conduct when he was captured. It was said that
he betrayed abject terror ; that he begged Harcourt to
spare his life, and behaved in such a way as to disgust
Wilkinson and the Britishers who had fought with him
at Villa Velha. I doubt the truth of most of these
stories ; I think it much more likely that the American
general indulged in more profanity than cowardice. It
was a swearing age, and Lee, I shrewdly suspect,
could follow out the adage of * * swearing like a trooper. ' '
But it was undoubtedly a great shock to his nerves to be
thus captured, for as the British dragoons crowded into
his bedroom, and seized him, they cried out that he was
a deserter from the British army and would be so
treated by General Howe. Lee knew what that meant ;
there was more than humiliation in his being thus
taken ; there was the possibility of a disgraceful death !

Without being given time to dress the ^*Hero of
Charleston," as he liked to be called, was tied on a
horse, hurried off like a cattle thief to the British camp,
and finally turned over to Sir William Howe in New
York. In the meantime Lee's regiments were moved to
the aid of Washington, in time to take part in the move-
ment on Trenton.

Upon his arrival in New York, Lee was treated with
much more courtesy than he had been by his captors
at White's Tavern, but he was in a very delicate posi-
tion. Howe regarded him as a deserter, and was, in-
deed, ordered to send him to England for trial, but
just as the prisoner was about to set sail a weighty
word came from General Washington. Five Hessian
officers, said the American commander-in-chief, were
held by him as hostages for Lee 's safety. It is almost
pathetic to think how faithful Washington still was to

Charles Lee. 81

Lee when we see how treaxsheronsly the Englishman
had treated him. But Washington was a master dip-
lomat in this matter, for he evidently knew that the
British wonld be loath to sacrifice five Hessian officers
and thus anger the German troops and the governments
which had hired them out to the British. The British
Ministry, after much discussion, was afraid to make
way with Lee, and finally instructed Howe (this was as
late as December, 1777) to treat the American major-
general as a prisoner of war, '^subject to exchange
when convenient. ' '

Nevertheless, it was a sad day for Lee when he en-
tered New York as a prisoner, for from that day dates
his treason to the American standard. We know much
now that our ancestors never knew, and which, if they
had known, would have caused them to place Lee in
the same class with Benedict Arnold. It is all plain
enough now. Lee, feeling that his life, as an alleged
deserter, was in great danger, did everything he could
to propitiate Sir William Howe. It must have been
for this reason that he told Howe he disapproved of the
Declaration of Independence, and believed, could he but
seek an interview with a committee from Congress,
that he could open the way to a satisfactory adjust-
ment of all disagreements between Great Britain and
the colonies. Howe, who was a bit of a pacifist, sanc-
tioned such an interview, but Congress, very properly,
would have none of it. The fact was that Lee was com-
ing down from his pedestal with many Americans, a
great many of whom were beguming to think that he
was too erratic and temperamental (that is the word
we would use to-day) to be a great general. No one
suspected him of treachery, but at this very moment he
was planning to deliver the Americans, whom he pro-
fessed to serve so loyally, into the hands of the vindic-
tive British. I say vindictive, because we know — such
are the amenities of war — that if America had not

Vol xlv.— «

82 Charles Lee.

triumphed many of our ancestors wonld have been
strong up on the branches of the nearest trees or lamp
posts. As Franklin once remarked to Congress: **We
must all hang together or assuredly we will all hang
separately 1 ' *

Lee, in short, prepared for General Howe a plan
of campaign against the Americans in which he ** sin-
cerely and zealously,*' as he expresses it, enters into
the British interests and recommends an expedition
to Chesapeake Bay — an expedition which was under-
taken in the following summer. Of course treason could
go no further than this ; he had placed himself in the
same abyss with Bicnedict Arnold, who was later to
startle the world by his apostasy. But Lee's treason
was unknown to the public for more than eighty years,
and might never have been known, indeed, had not the
document come to light among certain Howe papers in
1858, and afterwards found its way to the Lenox Li-
brary in New York. It is in Lee 's handwriting, and is
endorsed as "Mr. Lee's plan — 29th March, 1777" in the
writing of Howe's secretary. Sir Henry Strachey.
There is the evidence, damning and undisputed;
it is very hard for people who commit their crimes
to paper and ink to "prove an alibi"! If you
desire to know more of this "Plan" read George
H. Moore's book, "The Treason of Charles Lee,"
published in 1860. Curious, when one comes to
think of it, how this paper was carried to England
by Sir Henry Strachey and how it remained hidden
all those years in a country house in Somersetshire.
There is something of romance in all this, although it
is a tarnished romance, and when we think what
CJharles Lee might have done, and how he might have
shone alongside of Washington and Wayne, Knox and
Lafayette, Franklin, Morris, Jefferson, and the rest
of that galaxy worthy of Rome's best days — ^when we
think of all that, we can only lament.

Charles Lee. 83

As naturally nothing was known in the American
camp about Lee^s treachery, he was warmly welcomed
when he joined Washingon's army at Valley Forge
in May, 1778. Washington still believed in him, but
Lee no longer had about him the glamor of a hero, and
some people laughed when they told of how he had
been packed off to New York on a horse, riding along
hatless and clad in an old flannel wrapper, amid the
jeers of his captors.

Why did Lee return to the American forces? He
had proved himself, to General Howe, such a firm
friend to Great Britain, by his apostasy, that one might
suppose he would rather have continued with the
British. It has been argued, however, that he still
hoped to supplant Washington, and would finally
emerge as the saviour of America; thus making
another political somersault. I can hardly believe this
theory, because there is evidence that whilst he was at
Valley Forge, Lee was corresponding with Sir Henry
Clinton, the successor to General Howe. I am under
the impression that when Lee was exchanged, it was
with the definite understanding between him and the
British that he would do all he could to hinder the
progress of the Continental army. He certainly seems
to have acted on such a basis in a very short time.

Li June, 1778, Sir Henry Clinton evacuated Phila-
delphia, hoping to cross New Jersey on his way to
New York without giving battle. Washington followed,
to attack him on the way. Lee professed himself as
doubting the success of such an attack. Of course he
did not want to see the rear forces of his correspon-
dent. Sir Henry, come to grief I Washington's plan
was to make an oblique attack on Clinton's rear
division, to cut it off from the advance division, but as
Lee disapproved of it, the commander-in-chief directed
Lafayette to carry the movement out. It was arranged
that an advance force of about 6,000 men, under Lafay-

84 Charles Lee.

ette, was to attack the British rear division upon its
left flank and engage it until Washington could come
up with the rest of the army. Then Lee changed his
mind and solicited the command. Lafayette gracefully
yielded.

Lee and his troops came up with Clinton's rear guard
near Monmouth Court House on the morning of June
28th. His duty was clear before him ; he had Washing-
ton 's strict orders, and all he had to do was to go ahead
and attack according to plan. But this is exactly what
he did not do; he allowed his division to retreat and
gave such extraordinary orders that Lafayette, dazed
and worried, sent a message to Washington begging
him to come up to the front. Washington hurried up
and was amazed to find Lee's forces retreating in dis-
order, with the British close at their heels. Soon he met
Lee, and then followed a scene which, painful though
it was, I should dearly love to have witnessed. Wash-
ington is always depicted to us as a very placid, cold,
formal sort of a person, but his intimate friends knew
that he had a fiery temper, which he kept, generally,
under rigid control, and that he was a very human gen-
tleman in more ways than one. So I should have liked
to have stolen a glimpse of the ** Pater Patriae" when
he displayed a little bit of ** original sin'M

A Southern sergeant was more lucky than I and thus
describes the scene: ***I saw General Washington
coming from the rear of our column, riding very
rapidly along the right flank, and as he came nearer
my attention was fixed upon him with wonder ; I never
saw such a countenance before ; it was like a thunder-
cloud before the flash of lightning I Just as he reached
the flank of my platoon he reined up his horse a little,
and raising his right hand high above his head, he cried
out with a loud voice: *My God, (General Lee, what

* Major Jacob Morton.

Charles Lee. 85

are you about T' Q^neral Lee began to make some ex-
planation, but General Washington impatiently inter-
rupted him, and with his hand still raised high up over
his head, waving it angrily, exclaimed: ^Go to the
rear, Sirl' Then he spurred his horse and rode
rapidly forward/' Thus it was that the commander-
in-chief, by his lucky arrival, brought victory out of
defeat.

Tradition has it that Washington added to his ad-
monition several very picturesque and lurid oaths. I
hope he did, although I don't advocate profanity; Lee,
to whom he had always proved faithful, and who had
been a thorn in his side for some time, deserved all the
swearing in the vocabulary of an eighteenth century
soldier !

Immediately Lee wrote to Washington in the tone
of a martyr. ''From the knowledge I have of your
Excellency's character," he said, **I must conclude
that nothing but the misinformation of some very
stupid or misrepresentation of some very wicked per-
son could have occasioned your making use of such
singular expressions as you did, on my coming up to
the ground where you had taken post ; they implied that
I was guilty either of disobedience of orders, want of
conduct, or want of courage. ' ' He brazenly claims that
the ultimate success of the day was due to himself and

he adds: '* in this instance, I must pronounce

that he (Washington) has been guilty of an act of cruel
injustice towards a man who had certainly some pre-
tentions to the regard of every servant of his country
and I think. Sir, I have a right to demand some repara-
tion for the injury committed. ' '

Washingon's reply was brief but admirable. It was
as follows :

''Sir:

I received your letter, dated, through mistake, the
first of July, expressed as I conceive, in terms highly

86 Charles Lee.

improper. I am not conscious of having made use of
any very singular expressions at the time of my meet-
ing with yon, as yon intimate. "What I recollect to have
said was dictated by dnty and warranted by the oc-
casion. As soon as circnmstances will admit, you shall
have an opportunity, either of justifying yourself to
the army, to Congress, to America and to the world in
general, or of convincing them that you are goilty of a
breach of orders and of misbehaviour before the enemy
on the 28th instant, in not attacking them as you had
been directed, and in making an unnecessary, disorderly
and shameful retreat. ' '

To this Lee impertinently replied: **You cannot
afford me greater pleasure than in giving me the op-
portunity of showing to America the sufficiency of her
respective servants. I trust that the temporary power
of office, and the tinsel dignity attending it, will not be
able, by all the mists they can raise, to obfuscate the
bright rays of truth. ' '

Lee was thereupon arrested and tried by court-mar-
tial (July 2, 1778) on three charges : 1. Disobedience
of orders in not attacking the enemy ; 2. Misbehaviour
before the enemy in making an unnecessary, disorderly
and shameful retreat ; 3. Disrespect to the commander-
in-chief. In August Lee was found guilty on all three
charges and sentenced to be suspended from command
for a year. Congress confirmed the findings.

At the court-martial the distlaguished prisoner
sought to vindicate himself by declaring that had he
attacked as Washington ordered, he would have met
disaster and that he retreated in order to lure the
British across two deep ravines into a position where
he could crush them. The court-martial took no stock
in such a tame explanation, although there were some
sincere persons of standing and probity who thought
that Lee had sincerely tried to do his duty, although

Charles Lee. 87

throwing himself open to the diarge of gross insubor-
dination. Such an apologist was * * Light Horse * ' Harry
Lee, who says in his ** Memoirs of the War in the
Southern Department of the United States'*; ''The
records of the court-martial manifest on their face the
error of the sentence, and it is wonderful how men of
honor and of sense could thus commit themselves to the
censures of the independent and impartial. • • • The
unfortunate general was only guilty of neglect in not
making timely communication of his departure from
orders, subject to his discretion, to the Commander-in-
chief. *'

Of course Henry Lee could not know what we have
known since the discovery of **Mr. Lee's Plan;'' he
would have been the last person on earth to condone
the General's treason. And he would have been par-
ticularly chagrined at Charles Lee 's mean treachery to
Washington, for ''Light Horse Harry" loved the
latter, and he it was, in this very city of Philadelphia,
who delivered a funeral elegy on Washington in which
he called him "first in war, first in peace, first in the
hearts of his fellow-citizens." I may add here that
there was no kin between Charles Lee and the Lees of
Virginia, so far as I am aware.

Charles Lee subsequently published what he called
a ' ' Vindication to the Public, ' ' which was an able bit of
special pleading and convinced some readers that he
was a martyr, but which otherwise fell flat. One re-
sult of his court-martial was that he was challenged to
fight a duel by Steuben, who testified against him and
whom Lee seems to have slandered ; the challenge was
refused, but in a few days Lee fought a duel with
Colonel Laurens, Washington's aide-de-camp, for
whom Alexander Hamilton (himself to be killed in a
duel many years later) acted as second. Lee was
slightly wounded. He bore generous testimony to the
bravery of his adversary. "The young man," he said,
"behaved splendidly; / could have hugged himl^^

88 Charles Lee.

Lee was finally dropi>ed from the army, after he had
addressed one of his characteristic letters to Congress;
I hardly think it is correct to say that he was dismissed
in disgrace. He retired to his estate in the Shenandoah
in the smnmer of 1779, where, in company with his
dogs and a few favorite books, he lived pretty mnch as
a recluse. Langworthy, his admiring biographer,
naively remarks : * *He lived in a style peculiar to him-
self, in a house more like a bam than a palace. Glass
windows and plastering would have been luxurious ex-
travagance * • • indeed, he was now so rusticated
that he could live in a tub with Diogenes.'* This ref-
erence to Diogenes, whom Lee never suggested, is
hardly appropriate, nor does Lee, in his untidy habits,
suggest any connection with a tub.

Lee bred horses and dogs, and tried to play the
farmer, but he was an unhappy, soured, discontented
man and his farm was operated at a loss. What
thoughts must have been his. He had come to America
almost as a conquering hero and finally thought, in his
vanity, that to him would be the task of saving her,
and that his name would go edioing down the ages with
the names of Alexander, and Augustus and Julius
Caesar, not to mention Cromwell, and Marlborough and
a few lesser lights. And here he was a discredited
commander, alone and neglected I

Lee grew more and more weary of his farm and of
inaction. He wanted to get away from it and settle in
some seaport town, where he could learn better what
was going on in the great world in which he was now
but a cijAier. Li June, 1782, he wrote to England to his
sister, Sidney Lee, how much he admired the English
as compared with any other nation. After denying to
the Americans the possession of ** truth, honesty, sin-
cerity and good understanding, ' * he says : * * The New
England men excepted, the rest of the AmericanB,
though they fancy and call themselves Republicans,

Charles Lee. 89

have not a single Bepnblican qnaUfication or idea.
They have always a god of the day, whose infallibility
is not to be disputed ; to him all the people most bow
down and sing Hosannas ! ' '

How the popularity of George Washington did rankle
within him — ^Washington^ whom he, in his English
pride, had looked down upon as a raw colonial only
created to be patronized and led by the great and in-
fallible Major-General Charles Lee!

**To be sure,'* Lee goes on to assure his sister,
** there are many exceptions to the general character
of Americans,'' and among these exceptiouB he in-
stances Robert Morris, Richard Henry Lee, of Vir-
ginia, John Adams, and Dr. Rush, as well as Gen-
erals Schuyler, Mifflin, Sullivan, Muhlenberg, Wayne,
Greene and Ejqlox. And he adds: **I have been pe-
culiarly fortunate in my aides-de-camp, all young
gentlemen of the best families, fortunes and educa-
tion of this continent, but above all I should remain
young Colonel Henry Lee. ' '

While we are on the subject of General Lee's letters,
permit me to recall one which made a great stir in
Philadelphia society, written during a visit to Philadel-
phia in December, 1778, to the beautiful Miss Franks.
The General, as I may have indicated, was not a stylish
dresser, and it would appear that the young lady had
accused him of wearing publicly a pair of shabby
green breeches adorned with a large leather patch.
When Lee heard the accusation, he wrote her an epistle
in a sprightly vein. ** Madame," he said, **when an
officer of the respectable rank I bear is grossly tra-
duced and calumniated, it is incumbent on him to clear
up the affair to the world, with as little delay as pos-
sible. The spirit of defamation and calumny (I am
sorry to say) is grown to a prodigious and intolerable
height on this continent. If you had accused me of a
design to procrastinate the war, or of holding a trea-

90 Charles Lee.

sonable correspondence with the enemy, I could have
borne it ; this I am used to ; and this happened to the
great Fabins Maximns. If yon had accused me of
getting dmnk as often as I conld get liqnor, as two
Alexander the Greats have been charged with the vice,
I should perhaps have sat patient under the imputation,
or even if you had given the plainest hints that I had
stolen the soldier's shirts, this I could have put up with,
as the great Duke of Marlborough would have been an
example, or if you had contented yourself with assert-
ing that I was so abominable a sloven as never to part
with my shirt until my shirt parted with me, the anec^
dote of my illustrious namesake (Charles Xll) of
Sweden would have administered some comfort to me.
But the calumny you have, in the fertility of your mali-
cious wit, chosen to invent is of so new, so unprece-
dented and so hellish a kind as would make Job himself
swear like a Virginia colonel. * * * Is it possible that
Miss Franks should assert in the presence of these re-
spectable personages, that I wore green breeches
patched with leather t To convict you, therefore of the
falsehood of this most diabolical slander, to put you to
eternal silence (if you are not past all grace) and to
cover you with a much larger patch of infamy than you
have wantonly endeavored to fix on my breeches, I have
thought proper, by the advice of three very grave
friends (lawyers and members of Congress, of course
excellent judges in delicate points of honor) to send you
the said breeches, and with the consciousness of truth
on my side to submit them to the most severe inspection
and scrutiny. ' '

It is plain, from this jeu d^ esprit, of which I only
quote a small part, that General Lee sent the offending
breeches to Miss Franks. As for that lady, her sense of
humour was at first equal to that of Lee; she looked
upon the whole affair as a bit of witty fooling. But
finally, it would appear, some one persuaded her that

Charles Lee. 91

the General's letter and the docnmentary evidence ac-
companying it were an insult. When Lee heard of this
he wrote her a proper apology in which he graciously
said: '^Upon the honor of an honest man, if I had
thought a single sentence of this trash could have
given you uneasiness, I would sooner have put my
hand into the fire than have written it. ' '

I am sure Philadelphia was thrilled by this corres-
pondence and by the brashness of Charles Lee, and
that many were the stories about it that went the
rounds of the tea tables and caused some of the
matrons to shake their heads and declare that ''the
General was a sad wag, and no one ever knew, forsooth,
what he would say or do next ! ' '

Li the fall of 1782, late September, General Lee came
up to Philadelphia for a visit, and put up at an humble
little inn, ''The Sign of the Conestoga Wagon, '^ which
Joseph Jackson tells us, in his valuable history of
"Market Street, '^ was on the site of the present 410
Market Street. PhUadephia did not flock to his doors ;
he must have looked a rather pathetic figure in his
downfall, as he walked up and dowm High Street (as
Market Street was then called) and was doubtless
pointed out by happy fathers to their sons as the man
who caused the serene Washington to lose his temper
at Monmouth Court House. There was one old friend
who was still faithful, however, and that was Colonel
Eleazar Oswald, who had served under him in more
glorious times. When Lee was taken down with a high
fever, as he was two or three days after his arrival, it.
was Oswald who attended upon him and who heard the
last words he uttered in his delirium. ' ' Stand by me,
my brave grenadiers ! ' ' Like Benedict Arnold, his last
thoughts were of the army, to which he had once been
an adornment.

He died on October 2, 1782, at the age of fifty-one, and
while he died under a cloud, it can hardly be said, as

92 Charles Lee.

has been said, that he died literally without one friend.
The Pennsylvania Gazette for the ninth of October has
the following notice: **0n Wednesday evening last,
departed this life, after a short illness, • • • Charles
Lee, Esq., Major-General in the Polish service, and
formerly a major-general in the service of the United
States. His remains were conducted on Friday morn-
ing, with military honors, from the City Tavern,
attended by a large concourse of gentlemen of dis-
tinction and deposited in Christ Church yard. ' *

There is no question but that Lee was buried with
honors, and that many eminent persons went to
the funeral services, among them the President of
Congress and all the French visitors then in Phil-
adelphia.

You may notice an apparent discrepancy in the
record that the (General died in the * * Sign of the Cones-
toga Wagon '^ but was buried from the City Tavern.
Joseph Jackson has a theory which probably clears
up the matter. The City Tavern, he tells me, *Vas
on the site of the United States Bonded Stores, on
Second Street, west side, north of Walnut. It was at
this time (1782) the principal public house in the city,
the scenes of banquets and musicales, the headquarters
of the political^ business and other interests of the city.
It very well might have been regarded a more fitting
place for the funeral of a distinguished character than
the very modest tavern on Market, vrtiere it is said Lee
died.'^

As Lee's grave is unmarked, and I had no idea as
to exactly where it was in the old yard of Christ
Church, I wrote to the Rector, the Reverend Doctor
Louis C. Washburn, who very kindly referred me to
the book entitled **A Record of Inscriptions,'' etc.,
compiled by Edward L. Clark in 1864. On Page 13 is
this entry: **The remains of Major General Charles
Lee are supposed to rest beneath this spot." (The spot

Charles Lee. 93

indicated is jnst outside the church building on the
south, by the west door) • • • * * No stone marked his
grave, but tradition placed it next to the grave of Gen-
eral Mercer near the old wall adjoining Church Alley.
In 1861 Church Alley was ordered to be widened by
action of our courts, thus cutting off about eight feet of
the church yard, which is now occupied by the outer
sidewalk. All the remains of those who had been in-
terred in this strip of ground were carefully removed
and deposited in new coffins immediately next to the
Church building. The remains of General Lee were
removed and re-interred at the spot designated."
That is, between the first and second windows east of
the southwest door of the churcL

Perhaps you will think it rather curious and parar
doxical that Charles Lee ended his earthly career in
consecrated ground when I read you this clause from
his last will and testament : ' ^ I desire most earnestly
that I may not be buried in any church or church yard,
or within a mile of any Presbyterian or Anabaptist
meeting house, for since I have resided in this country
I have kept so much bad company when living, that I
do not choose to continue it when dead. ' '

But for my part I deem General Lee very fortunate
to have been buried among all those worthies of Christ
Church whose ashes are reposing in the picturesque
old yard, and I think he got a **good buryiag'^ (as Sir
Lucius 'Trigger would call it) that he didn't deserve.
I suppose if Lee had had his way, he would have been
planted beside his dogs and horses down on his Berke-
ley estate in Virginia. One third of this estate, I may
add, he left to Jacob Morris, of Philadelphia, one third
to Evans Edwards, both his former aides, and one third
between William Goddard of Baltimore and Colonel
Oswald. The rest of his property went to his sister,
Sidney Lee.

Before I finish my attempt to sketch Charles Lee's

94 Charles Lee.

stormy career, let me remind yon that he once claimed
to be the real author of the '^Letters of Jxmius,'' and
that Mb claims were given very grave consideration.
To the present generation, the name of ** Junius'' —
that mysterious master of political invective who once
startled the world — ^to the present generation the name
of ** Junius'' means little or nothing. The interest in
his identity is purely academic. But it was not thus
in the past, and hundreds of books or pamphlets were
written to prove that this, that or some other person
was the inscrutable "Junius." The older generation
will understand that the '^Letters" of "Junius" had
a definite object — ^to discredit the ministry of the Duke
of Grafton, which had been formed in October, 1768,
when the great Lord Chatham was compelled by ill
health to retire from office. "Junius" fought for the
return to power of Chatham, who had recovered and
was not on good terms with his successors. The letters
are of interest to the student for three reasons : their
political significance, their style and the mystery whidi
still envelops their authorship — ^although the generally
accepted theory now is that they were written by Sir
Philip Francis. Nevertheless, it is worth noting, if
only for a moment, that there lie mouldering by the
walls of old Christ Church the remains of a man who
once said, in effect: "I, Major-General Charles Lee,
am JuniusI"

The friend to whom he said this was Colonel Thomas
Rodney, of Delaware. Now Lee was what we would
nowadays call a highly picturesque bluffer, but Rodney
was of a different type and his story, as far as it goes,
is entitled to absolute credence. So wben he published
a letter on the subject in the Wilmington Mirror, dated
Dover, February 1st, 1803, people believed the writer,
however much they might distrust what Lee told him,
for they knew Rodney as a gallant officer in the Revo-
lution, an intimate friend of Washington, a delegate

Charles Lee. 95

to the Continental Congress in 1781 and later, and a
brother of Oaesar Rodney, the signer of the Declarar
tion who took the f amons ride from Delaware to Phil-
adelphia in order that he might arrive in time to make
his colony safe for Independency.

''In the faU of 1773,'' writes Rodney, ''not long after
General Lee had arrived in America, I had the pleasure
of spending an afternoon in his company, when there
were no other persons present. Our conversation
chiefly turned on politics, and was mutually free and
open. Among other tilings, the letters of 'Jxmius'
were mentioned, and General Lee asked me, who was
conjectured to be the author of these letters! I re-
plied, our conjectures here generally followed those
started in England, but, for myself, I concluded, from
the spirit, style, patriotism, and political information
which they displayed, that Lord Chatham was the au-
thor; and yet there were some sentiments there that
indicated his not being the author. General Lee im-
mediately replied, with considerable animation, af-
firming that to his certain knowledge. Lord Chatham
was not the author ; neither did he know who the author
was, any more than I did ; that there was not a man in
the world, no, not even Woodfall, the publisher, that
knew who the author was ; that the secret rested solely
with himself, and forever would remain with him.

"Feeling in some degree surprised at this un-
expected declaration, after pausing a little, I replied:
' No, General Lee, if you certainly know what you have
affirmed, it can no longer remain solely with him; for
certainly no one could know what you have affirmed
but the author himself. Recollecting himself, he re^-
plied: 'I have unguardedly committed myself, and it
would he hut folly to deny to you that I am the author;
but I must request that you will not reveal it during
my life; for it never was nor never will be revealed by
me to any other!^ ''

Soon after the publication of this letter, Thomas

96 Charles Lee.

Bodiiey obtained a Federal judgeship and went to Mis-
sissippi, where the town of Rodney was named id his
honor, and it is a tradition in my family that he died
qnite convinced that Lee and ** Junius'* were one and
the same. His letter was republished in the St. James
Chronicle, of London, and created a very respectable
commotion. Lideed, a certain Dr. Thomas Girdle-
stone, of Yarmouth, England, published in 1813 a book
entitled: ** Facts Tending to Show That General Lee
was never Absent from This Country for Any Length
of Time During the Years 1767, 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771,
1772, and That He was the Author of Junius.*' It has
for a frontispiece a copi)er plate portrait of Lee which
is said to have been the best likeness of him extant^ and
which depicts him as a very scrawny, long-legged man,
dressed in full uniform, with a huge nose and sardonic
expression of countenance, and in front of him one of
his favorite dogs — an animal that suggests a cross
breed between a pomeranian and a black pig.

After trying to prove great similarity between the
handwriting of Lee and ** Junius,'* Dr. Girdlestone ob-
serves that the General was often in England when hie
was supposed to be on the continent, at the time that
the Letters of ** Junius'* were appearing, and he says:
**Lee supported an alibi not only by a series of fic-
titiously dated letters from different parts of the con-
tinent, but by occasional trips to Paris, and to other
parts, where he could mix with the English, and pre-
tend to be on his return from his Polish campaigns,
or from such parts of Italy or France, as his health
might have required him to visit."

In the course of a detailed argument, with which I
shall not bore you, the author gives us aa amusing
glimpse of Lee which I may venture to quote. GirdlCh
stone merely mentions it to prove that Lee was fre-
quently in England during the summer of 1770. He
says: "A person who is still living • • • perfectly
recollects to have accompanied General Lee, Colonel

Charles Lee. 97

Butler and Sir Charles Davers to Bushbrooke Church,
about May, ITTO, as sponsors to his eldest son, Captain
Charles Sydney Davers, • • • and that just as the
baptism was finished, an ass came from the church-
yard up to the font, which circumstance occasioned
General Lee to make such ludicrous observations as
could never be forgotten by those who had been pres-
ent. • • • The person who was at the baptism de-
clares that (General Lee was moving from and to Bush-
brooke the greatest part of the summer, that when at
Bushbrooke he was constantly writing with books and
papers before him, and that he was a terrible nuisance
to the cook, for he had chosen the kitchen for his place
to write in, and that his night cap and dressing gown
were only taken off a few minutes before the dinner
was ready to be served upon the table.*'

No wonder that Charles Lee was not a favorite with
the ladies when he had such untidy habits. I am com-
pelled to believe that Miss Franks spoke truth when
she accused the General of having a patch on those
green breeches.

As for Dr. Girdlestone, I have gone over his argu-
ments very carefully, and find them far-fetched and
inconclusive. I am inclined to share the popular
opinion that Sir Philip Francis was ** Junius.**

Lee's faults, and particularly that vanity which was
his undoing, brought their own punishment. He had
hoped to supplant Washington and go down to the ages
in the army of conquering heroes. Had he been con-
tent to be Washington's faithful lieutenant his name
would have been inscribed on an imperishable roll of
honor. But how different was the outcome. A dis-
grace by court-martial, treason, bitter disappointment,
and now obscurity. If, perchance, his spirit ever re-
visits the glimpses of the moon, and looks in some night
upon Christ Church yard, let him be thankful that he
lies there in such good company, despite that sneering
command in his last will and testament.

Vol. XLV.— 7

93 Notes and Queries.

NOTES AND QTJEBIES.

Two Lettebs of GovnN<tt Gbobob Thomas to John Penn. [Peon
MamuBcriptSy Historical Society of Pennsylyania.]

PhiUd*. Nov*'. 4"'. 1740.

D'. Sir

The Execution of his Majesty's Oonmiands to raise a number of j

Men for the Expedition, the negotiating Bills for the parent of them, ^

the providing Victuids k Transports for them, k attending their Disci-
pline, added to the disputes I have had with the Assembly, have so
engaged my whole time, that I think I ma^ depend upon your excuse
for not writing so often, as I should otherwise have done. It has been
a tryal both of my Constitution k Temper. Whether I have conducted
myself as I ought to have done, I leave to your Brother to inform
you, who^ by being upon tiie Spot, was enabled to form a true judg-
ment both of my Conduct k Intentions. I am accused to the King, k
Friends in England are to support the Assembly in all that they have
done k said against me. The loss of the Government is one of the ^

least Evils that is to befall me. I am really concerned. Sir, that I
ever risoued my Character amongst such a low, sordid k hypocritical
sett of Feople, k that is all the concern I have upon my Mind. As
for the loss of the Government, I should esteem it a favour to be dis-
charged from it; for I see it is neither possible to gain Credit or Money
by it. As for the latter, I can solemly say. That I have expended above
£1000 Sf. out of my own Fortune since I left England, besides what j

my attendance on Ifi Baltimore's opposition cost me there. This there- * j

fore is principally intended to thank ^u for the appointment you !

were pleased to make of me, k to desire that ^u will provide a Succes-
sor by the next June, unless you shall be willing to release me from my
af^reement made with you in England. The Assembly have Deny'd to

S;ive me the usual Support, k the Perquisites of the whole Government
o not exceed Seven Hundred pounds V ann"*. at most, from whence it
may be easily seon, that it must be an Injury to my Family to remain -
longer here. If you think fit however to consent to such a Releas e , I
shall be willing to stay the four years out. I am not forgetful of the
obligation I am under to sive yon twelve months notice <rf my intention
to quit the Government; but 1 hope you will dispense with that^ since
another may be appointed by the time before mentioned. If I were to
advise in regard to a future appointment, it should be rather to give
a Salary to make your Governors independent, than to insist upon
receiving any part of what th^ oet^ k to persuade one of your own
Family to undertake it; tho even m that case, I can very wttl foresee,
as much opposition k discontent, if not more, than even I have met
with; since my strict k just attachment to your Family is not one
of the least of my Crimes. Your Enemys, which all pass under the
name of Friends, are grown wanton with too much liberty k are
scheming to throw the Government into the King's hands.

I have given no orders to M'. Dunbar this year k shall wait your
resolution on the Substance of this Lettv. If you consent to my
leaving the Government at the time mentioned, I shall be thankful for
the earlyest notice of it you can possibly give me, either by the way
of Boston or N: York, that I may prepare my self accordingly, by
removing from this place some short time before I am supersedMl, that
I may not be subjected to the Insults of my Enemies here k be put
under the necessity ol returning them In such a manner, as may prove

Notes and Qi^eries. 99

troubleMme to me. Let me leave the plaoe when I will, no M«i will
have it in his power to reproach me with Avarice ft Injiutioe, ft I beleive
few GoTemora have more Friends amongst the best People ft those
that are most truly your Friends. With your Brother in particular I
have lived in the grmeet Harmony.

I am extreamly concerned, that M*. Paris should suffer for his
attachment to vour Family, ft his Friendship for me. It was what I
foresaw would happen upon the Election of this sett of malitious, hot
headed Men; but the Country in the end will be the greatest Sufferers
by it 1 wish I had it in my power to make him any amends. I am
lately informed, that M' Charles is joind with M'. Patridge to carry
on the Complaint against me. If this be true, it will be a good
evidence to Friends in England of the Intentions of this Assembly, ft a
proof that I am not the only Person struck at.

This Province is in a very dangerous Situation in case of a French
War, ft I very heartily wish your Interests may neither be affected
here or in Ehisland by the Assemblys refusing to do anything for its
defence. As tii^ have attacked me ft I have been obliged to trace
the grounds of their dislike [illegible] to my Proposition for Defence;
but I have not failed mentioninff your InstrucUons to me on this
head; to shew that all has been done by yon, which is usual for the
King to do, in regard to a Militia.

Am your Brother informs me, That he has wrote to vou ft his Frioids
in England veir fully on all that has passed here, ft sent you Oofjn
of the Assemblys Proceedings from time to time, ft as I am very
much engaged in preparing my Account to be transmitted to the Navy
Board by this Ship I miut conclude with the sincerest assurance of
my being with very great regard ft Esteem

D' Sir

Y'. most ob^ humb>« Serv^

Geo: Thomas.

Philad*. March 25^. 1741.
Dear Sir/

It will be unnecessary to tell you how acceptable your Letters werot
which advised me of the general approbation of my Condun^ in the
affair of the Levies, or tMt 1 have a very sensible pleasiu^ in the
Commendations given to your Brother, for the part he took in it.
As I had nothing in view but the serving his Majesty ft the Nation,
in a matter of so great Concern to both, I was very sollicitous, that
some part of your Family should join in shewing the Province in a
Light, as advantageous, as if it were under the inunediate Government
of the Crown.

The People, who call themsetves Friends here, have been estreamly
mortified; but our worthy Attorney General has raised their spirits
again within these two days, by another Rumour of a ProhabUity of a
Peace ft that their Affairs will from thence take another turn in
England* In short nothing that has happened yet will affect their
Interest here, ft if you do not part with them, they will in the end
part with you; for they publickly avow their Design to throw the
Government into the luuids of the Crown, ft from thence, the more
Confusion the better, as that is the most probable way of brioging
it about. I wonder you should take so little notice of their refusing
to do any thing for the Defence of the Province^ considering that your
Honour, as weu as the Kings is at stake; not to say any&ing of the
Danger of this City, in case of k Rupture with Franoe. I owne it is
far up a River; but Pilots are so easily procured at the Capes, that

are now expert at their Arms, but they will soon grow tired of it,

100 Notes and Queries.

ft with out a Law will be like a Rope of Sand. It is a malancholy
consideration for such as have their All in this Town, ft I can dis-
cover, that th^ will not submit much longer to it with Patience but
will apply for a Remedy; which I think it is as much for your
interest, as theirs, to jofai in.

Altho I hate gained a Victory, I shall be obliged to quit the Field
of Battle with precipitation, if no publick Censure from the Ministry
or Incapacity from tiie Parliament obliges our present GoTemors to a
Submission; and that, or fallins in with them, must be the case of all
your Friends. There are, I confess several of the People called Quakers
very much in your Interest, but these are the People who most wish
for such an Incapacity, or at least as much as any others.

As I have talked to your Brother very fully on my own Affairs, to
avoid giving you any unnecessary trouble, I refer you to him, I have
hitherto had some reason to complain of being obliged to support my
Publidc Character at my own Expence ft I am so sick of the Hypocrisy,
Calumny ft sordid Disposition of these People, that no Reward should
t^npt me to stay amongst them ; but what that would not tempt me to
do, my regard for you ft my long personal Friendship with your Brother
will, ft I will endeavour to content my self to bear any thins rather
than baulk his Inclinations to see his Friends in England; which his
Heart seems to be much sett upcm.

I thank you for your Present, ft as I am no Miser, have allowed
many to partake with me in the pleasure. I defie you to send me such
another if you can. I owne it is easily understood, but I have taken
ffreat pains to persuade Will: Allen to write Notes upon it, for the
benefit of such Ladies as are curious ft do not understand tiie Latin
Names of Places, as well a^ of some Qentleman. I read a Section of it
to a certain Ladv by a way of Experiment, ft I do assure you, she
listned with great Attention, ft when I told her, it was arrant Bawdy,
she was amazed, ft pretended to snatch it out of my hand, to throw it
into the Fire. May your Voyage to Marryland be prosperous, ft your
trade there be more profitable as well as more pleasant than that for
Pins ft Needles. I am

Dr. Sir

yr faithful ft affect. humb>« Serv*.

Geo: Thomas.

JSooli Wotfce0«

Thb MoCabthts in Eablt AifEBioAif HiSTOBT. By Michael J.
O'Brien. New York, Dodd, Mead ft Co., 1921. 8vo, pp. 323.

There is no reason why the Irish-blooded Americans, like Americans
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among the defidencies of information connected with their earlv settlers,
nothing is more noticeable than the absence of biographies of individual
Irishmen or their descendants, or genealogies of American families of
Irish blood. It is unfortunate that the Irish in America have not
shown greater industry in this respect.

Mr. O'Brien, who is the historiographer of the American Irish His-
torical Society, has investigated the early history of the Irish in
America more thoroughly than any other hisfcorian. In tiie course of
his researches he has accumulated a mass of information relating to
the famous Irish family of McCartiiy, represented in this country since
as far back as 1636. He has made use of this material in an exceed-
ingly valuable book about the McCarthys in Colonial and Revolu-
tionary times. The book is not strictly a genealogy, only a history of
a famous family, but no attempt has been made to extend it beyond
the eighteoith century. An illuminated coat of arms of the Mc-
Carthys is an attractive illustration in the book.

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CONTENTS.

PAOB

Journal of GoL John May of Bocton, 1789 101

Thomas Rodn^. By Simon Qraiz, E9q, (Coniinued) 180

Notes and Queries 204

Book Notice 204

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HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.

Vol. XLV, 1921. No. 2.

JOUBNAL OF COL. JOHN MAY, OP BOSTON, BELATIVE
TO A JOUENEY TO THE OHIO COUNTRY, 1789.

Introduction.

Beaders of the volume entitled '^Ool. May's Jour-
neys to the Ohio Country in 1788- '89'* have noticed
thaty while there is a qnite fnll & minute journey relat-
ing to the year first named, there is none of the year
'89, but only some few letters. When the Journal &
Letters of CoL May were published in the Fall of 1873
by the Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio,
it was the belief of the editor that he had! in his i>Oft-
session all papers bearing on that portion of his an-
cestor's life. Li that impression he was mistaken.
There was then in existence, in the library of Prof.
Edward TuckermaUy of Amherst College, another of
his grandsons, a journal kept by Col. May in '89. This
journal came into the hands of the professor through
his mother, Mrs. Sophia Tuckerman (3d daughter of
John & Abigail May) ; & that at times he had thoughts
of publishing it; but the multiplication of other cares &
duties, and absorption in inquiries connected with other
pursuits prevented. Accordingly the MS. was left
unused. Meanwhile, illness supervening, necessitated
a suspension of all literary labor, & again compelled

Vol. XLV.— 8 101

imm

102 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

Professor Tuckerman to seek in European travel the
relief which a tired brain required.

On returning to his native land, later in the season.
Professor Tnckerman did not long delay to apprise the
writer of the MS. in his i>ossession, nor fail, in the
exercise of his wonted kindness, to tender it to him, to
be nsed in such manner as might be desirable. In this
way the writer finds himself in possession, altogether
nnexpectedly, of papers which in 1873 he did not know
to exist, & thus enabled to trace Col. May's jonmey-
ings & experiences in '89 with as much distinctness and
detail as those of '88.

Availing of the opportunity which the printing of the
Journal of '89 furnishes, he uses it to correct an error
into whidi — naturally enough perhaps — he fell, in the
absence of all tradition, & all testimony, excepting such
as could be gathered from the insufficient documents
then in his possession. The error indicated arose from
the incorrect dating of a letter (refer to x>age 119th
of the book published at Cincinnati in 1873) which is
* * Baltimore, April 9th. ' ' It should have been May 9th,
as comparison with the MS. journal, since brought to
light, shows. The theory, therefore, which is intro-
duced to explain the supposed joumeyings of Col. May
for that season is entirely set aside.

Another error, found at the end of the second para-
graph, of the Biographical Sketch, may as well be cor-
rected here as anywhere. It is there stated, erro-
neously, that Jonathan Sabin, who married Mary, sis-
ter of Col. John, was brother to Silas Sabin, who mar-
ried Prudence, another sister; whereas the relationship
between them was so slight that neither of them knew
what it was.

Before passing to other matters, we will correct one
or two other little errors, made in the setting up of
the type. The wirong insertion of a comma gives Dr.
Geo. W. May three daughters, instead of two, their

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 103

names being, re8i>eotively, Sophia Catharine & Juliana
Gales. The name of fheir mother too shonld be cor-
rected from Catharine F. Lee to Catharine H. Lee.

Another mistake of a similar natore, on page 147
the wrong insertion of a comma, converts three indi-
viduals named into four. The passage referred to
should read '^I wrote to him, Nabby, Lucretia Dana, &
others :'' i.e., strike out the conmia between the names
Lucretia & Dana.

On page 20, for Col. Bichard Hatt read Col. Richard
Piatt.

Col. John May's Journal of 1789.

. Thursday, 23rd April, 1789. Having arranged &
settled my affairs at Boston, and shipped goods for
Baltimore — ^in the sdiooner Bosaima, Jos. Field, Cap-
tain — ^at 7^ in the morning, I left the town, in company
with Mr. William Breck, on a tour to Marietta, in the
Ohio Country, and Kentucky. Li two hours & a half ar-
rived at Coleman's Tavern in Dedham, thirteen miles
from Boston, where we oated our horses, & tarried an
hour for the arrival of Dr. Downer. Set off from this
place at 11 o'clock, and at 12 arrived at Clark's, Med-
field, where we dined. Dr. Downer came, and made
our company complete. Left Medfield at 2, P.M. and
arrived at Taft's in Uxbridge, forty three miles from
Boston, at sunset, wbere we lodged.

Friday, 24th. Bose at 5 o'clock. It rained so very
hard from S. E. went to bed again, & slept an hour
and half; then got up for the day; but the rain increas-
ing prevented our traveling till afternoon, when it
cleared up. We set off, and arrived at Pomf ret, Conn,
at 7 o'clock, P. M. Lodged at sister Sabin's, and had
a good night's sleep.

Saturday, 25th. Bose at 6, A. M. Though the weather
was cold & lowering, we pressed on our journey.
Breakfast at Dr. Lord's, dinner at Windham, & put up

P"l '^

104 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

for the nig^t at Colchester^ ninety eight miles from
Boston. The day has been a very blustering one.

Sunday, 26th. Bose at 4, A. M. Gated our horses,
ft were off at 5 o'clock, lii three hours we were at
Moodus ( f ) Connecticut river, fourteen miles from our
starting place. Here we breakfasted, ft on account of
the height of the wind, could not cross the river.
Staid at Green's tavern on the East side, ft kept the
Sabbath. However, at half past three in the after-
noon, we crossed, without much difficulty, went on
through Durham woods, and at 7 in the evening, put
up at Elliott's, where our lodgings were good.

Monday, 27th. Bose at 4, A. M. and pursued our
journey. Breakfasted at Brown's in New Haven.
Bested two hours, then pushed on for Fairfield, where
we arrived at 5 in the evening. Put up at Penfield's,
where we had excellent entertainment for the night.
Nothing remarkable has happened since our departure
from Boston, only the stage started an hour before
we did; and we are now twenty-three miles ahead, —
one hundred sixty-seven miles from Boston by the road
we have taken.

Tuesday, 28th. Bose at the usual hour, after a very
poor night. Owing to fatigue, & i>erhaps eating too
hearty a supper, I had a most distressing dream, all
about my family; but I was little like Nebuchadnezzar,
and in the morning could not remember near all of it.
Having no soothsayer or Daniel at hand was obliged
to pursue the journey without an interpretation of
dream. Arrived at Wentworth, thirteen miles, by 7J
o'clock, and here breakfast. Thence went on to Hunt's
at Mamaroneck and there lodged comfortably.

Wednesday, 29th. Off at the usual hour, and rode
fourteen miles to Eangsbridge. Breakfasted at Wor-
tie's. This is fifty miles from Penfield's in Fairfield,
and fifteen from New York, at which place we arrived
at 1 o'clock, P. M. My old friend Hardy being full,

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 105

we went to Hackerd's. In great haste wrote a few
lines to my better half, by i>08t; and^ being much
f atigaed, went to bed early. Two hundred thirty two
miles from Boston.

Thursday, 30th. Being in snug harbor, I lay & slept
tiU 6 o'clock, then rose, for the purpose of attending
to business. Arranged all my pai>ersy & went out to
execute them, but the parade of the day beginning,
found I could do nothing. Therefore ^'followed the
multitude,'' not '^to do evil," but good, so joined with
the rest in the great business on hand.

At 11 o'clock, the different corps in the city assem-
bled, consisting of one company of horse, one of artil-
lery, two of grenadiers, and one of light infantry, with
two battalion companies. At 12 noon, they were
formed in line. At one the procession was in motion.
The horse in front, then the Committee of the day,
the High Sheriff & his attendants, after them the Presi-
dent & Vice President electa the Senate & House of
Representatives, civilians, the artillery, grenadiers,
&c. In due time, the President appeared in the gallery
of the portico, introduced by the Vice President, &
here took the oath of office. The ceremonial over, the
procession reformed, & marched off to St. Paul's
churchy where, with other observances, a sermon was
delivered by Bishop Provost. At this time a dish of
good food being more to my taste than one of theology
or politics, I retired to my own proi>er dinner, — and
there was w|eU entertained.

The evening outshone at least the day. The fire-
works displayed at the Bowling Green very fine. The
Spanish ambassador's house illuminated in splendid
style, the French minister's also elegantly. Federal
Hall likewise in a highly pleasing manner, and many
other buildings. An allegorical picture of the United
States, illuminated, excelled them all. The movable
fire-works were displayed to great advantage to an

106 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

amazing concourse. A more civil, earnestly attentive
ft orderly set of people I never before observed on any
similar occasion* €k>iiig back to my lodgings a little
after 10 o'clock, ft going to bed at once, I did not sleep
yrfXL Too innch of the dost that was raised during the
day got into my Inngs, ft brought on an asthmatic at-
tack, whidi the air of the chamber was by no means
fitted to allay, as to all appearance it had been breathed
over many times.

Friday, May 1st. Having little comfort in bed, was
glad enough to rise. Attended to business, ft by 4 in
the afternoon it was completed. But the wind pre-
vented our crossing the ferry, else we should have set
off for Philadelphia. As it was, stayed & slept at my
old quarters, till

Saturday, 2nd.; when at 5, A. M. rose, paid bills,
&c, took breakfast^ & then left in the ferry boat from
the Great Battery for Elisabeth-town, where, after an
agreeable sail of one hour ft forty minutes, over a disn
tance of fifteen miles, arrived. Dr. Downer had busi-
ness here which detained us two hours. Slept at Bruns-
wick. Here Wie had one gill of spirits with water, a
bottle of cider, tea and trimmings for supper, beds to
lodge in, hay ft oats for our horses, and paid for all
17/2, lawful money. This the most extravagant house
we have met with.

Sunday, 3rd. Off from Bronswick at 5^ A. M. and
rode ten miles in one hour & two-thirds, when we break-
fasted ft rested our horses for one hour; then pro-
ceeded on across the Delaware, at half past one, and
arrived at Bristol at half past three, where we put up
for the ni^t. Had an excellent dinner & good lodg-
ings.

Monday, 4th. Off again, for Philadelphia this time,
at 5^ A. M. At 7i stopt at Waterman's and break-
fasted. Thence to Philadelphia, where we arrived at
10^, A. M. Stopped ft dined. Took a walk around the

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 107

city, whidi found considerably altered & grown larger.
Several handsome buildings erected lately. General
training here today. A more miserable militia my eyes
surely never beheld. In some of the companies, the rank
& file not more than fifteen, & they the refuse of crea-
tion. Some contrast this with 1775. Then there were
five battalions of uniformed troops ; but now only one,
& that artillery rather loosely disciplined. At 3, P. M.
took our departure for Baltimore. By travelling three
hours steadily, we arrived at Chester, where we slept.

Tuesday, 5th. Started at 5J, A. M. & were at Wil-
mington at 8, where we breakfasted. At 9 were in the
saddle again. Dined at Hollinswiorth's at the head of
the Elk, slept at Palmer's at Charlestown, at the head
of Chesapeak Bay. The house we are in is full and
running over. How we are to lodge must be deter-
mined by & bye. Well, at 10 o*clk. went to bed, in a
chamber with four beds, & without any ventilator. I
soon found I could not breathe air used so many times
over. Gk>t up, opened the only window six inches, and
then tried to sleep again; but the avenues through
which my Ixmgs were filled had choked up, & the air
continued so dopy I was obliged to decamp. I went into
a lower room, & sat up all night. Dozed about two
hours, but poorly. At 4 hauled on my boots, & began
to prepare for journeying, & by blustering round made
out to get away by 5 o'clock.

Wednesday, 6th. Were off for Susquehanna. It is
a cold, windy morning, while yesterday was very warm.
Am inclined to think, the seasons are hardly more for-
ward here than at Boston. Asparagus is but just
come, grain is backward, the trees beginning to blow,
& the oaks to burst their buds. The brooks out here are
not so high as they weret last year, at this time. In
crossing the Susquehanna had a windy time, but got
safely over. Breakfasted on the West side, dined at
Chind's and slept at Stamk's in Baltimore.

108 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

Thursday, 7th. Bose at 6 o'clock, with a heavy head-
ache, & to ease myself walked ahont the room softly
for several hours. Many wagons in town, but none
going out very far in the direction in which we are
boimd. Shall be obliged to tarry here several days,
which will be tedious enough, att^iding to settling our
accounts. Visited Mrs. Boyd, delivered letters, &c. and
went to bed at 10, and slept middling well.

Friday, 8th. Bose at 5, and busily employed settling
with the naval officer, & procuring teams to transport
our effects, but money being scarce, the i)eople want
the more, and w;ill not wagon so cheaply as they did
last year. Therefore, have not engaged any as yet, &
think it probable we shall not till next week. Did,
however, at 3 o'clock this afternoon, engage five
wagons, to take our effects to Shipi>ensburg, a distance
of 90 miles, at £3 per ton. Great exertions to load five
tons of small packages in so short a time. We com-
pleted it, hoii^ver, by sunset, & young Mr. Downer
we;Qt on with the teams.

Saturday, 9th. Spent the forepart of this day set-
tling accounts, drafting articles of agreement, & sign-

128 pair, at LF. for

per pair amotmtuig to
19^ 4" 0.8 Ddg. From

shovels

19^ 4"

Clover seed, to amount

7" 5^9

Two casks dieese

V2r 3" 4

Keg & charge ( f )

or 18" 6

58^ 19^7

Mr. Williams has paid

my accoHTit
ir sT d

40^17" 8

So that he owes a balance of

17" 17" 11

58" 15" 7

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 109

This balance I directed him to forward to Mrs. May,
at Boston, by the first conveyance. Visited Mrs. Boyd,
& drank tea with Mrs. B. May. Wrote one letter to
Mrs. May & another to Mr. Jon\ Freeman, & then to
bed.

Sunday, 10th. Slept till 6^, then rose, washed up,
wrote a letter to brother Joseph, & attended to other
matters. It was so excessively ndny, I did not go to
meeting. Dined with Mr. Jos. Williams, at 4 o'clock,
delivered my letters for Boston to Capt. Field, who set
sail immediately, drank tea with Mrs. B. May, supped
at lodgings, & went to bed at 11 o'clk. The air being
oross branded, slept poorly.

Monday, 11th. At 5 arose, attended to a little busi-
ness, & at 8 took my departure from Baltimore, & stood
for the wilderness. Travelled 41 miles, & slept at
Squire Sherman's, where, though the entertainment
was very good, slept poorly.

Tuesday, 12th. Set off at 5}, ft breakfasted at Han-
over, a pretty village of about one hundred houses.
We are now on a new road from Baltimore to Ship-
pensburg, ft find good travelling, settled with Dutch
farmers along tiie way, most of whom are wealthy. At
the house where I lodged last night, viz. Sherman's,
quite a large business is going on. He has extensive
bams, makes 10 hogsheads of cider yearly, 8 hogsheads
of cider royal, distilling also ^c^skey-cider ft peach-
brandy in great abundance. The peach brandy as good
as any from France. In fact, he is making money
many ways, ft very fast. Dined today at dark's, at the
foot of Blue Mountain; then crossed Black Gap, a very
diflScult place ; but by going through it we saved eleven
miles of road. We arrived at Capt Eappe's at sunset,
where we slept.

Wednesday, 13th. Yesterday beiog a fatiguing day,
ft having no special business, I laid abed in a large
chamber, 40 x 20, ft 11 ft. high, tiU 6i A. M. The air

110 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

in this chamber the best I have found since leaving
Boston. At 8 our goods arrived in excellent order.
Here we unloaded, and paid £14'' 06s'' 6d, to the Balti-
more wagoners.

4"10"0 , to Capt. Field

0" 12" 9 storage, besides a duty, of which I am
donbtfnl.

Shall be hindered here sometime for wagons, as
people are much engaged with their spring work. Last
Friday an express went through this place from Pitts-
burg for New York with intelligence that a party of
Indians had fallen on some settlers at Grave Creek &
killed five; and, on their way back, one at Marietta.
These devils never will be easy, until they are extir-
pated. We are now 140 miles from Philadelphia, & 160
from Fort Pitt. To bed at 10 o'clock, & had good sleep
till morning, which was a great refreshment.

Thursday, 14th. We were off this morning at 10
o'clock for Chamberstown, a distance of ten miles ; and,
as it rained hard last night, the roads were heavy. I
took this detour to procure wagons, but failed of suc-
cess. Could not engage any at a less price than 28/
per cwt. from this to Pittsburg, or Summerell's ferry —
a price I did not choose to give. Chamberstown is a
very pretty country town, containiag about 150 houses,
with a population mostly Dutch. Shippensburg is
nearly as large, & so of several other towns of the
vicinity. Oh, how tedious this waste of time waiting
for wagons ! I am fearful my patience will not hold
out so wiell as it did last year. Wind has been at N. E.
these three days, attended with rain. Went to bed
at 10.

Friday, 15th. After a sound sleep, rose at 6. Wiad
N. £. weather lowering & disagreeable. No wagons
engaged, time hangs heavily on my hands, & I am at a
loss for business or amusement, I confess. So here
goes, to kill time. Method of making whiskey. Take

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. Ill

1\ bushel of coarse ground rye meal, & put it in a hogs-
head tihat will hold 110 gallons. Nearly fill it up with
blood warm wjater, & put in 3 quarts of yeast to fer-
ment it Let it stand & work for three days, and when
it becomes stale, put it in the distil. This must have
a cover of wood, with a hole in the middle of it to put
the puddle in, in order to keep a stirring until the mix-
ture boils, then put tiie still head on, and catch the
spirit. If it is done properly, you obtain 2^ gals, proof
liquor, or 5 gals, to a bushel, which generally sells at
2/6 per gal. this makes 7/6 for a bus. and requires the
labor of one man to make 9 gala per day. They gen-
erally have a small still through which they run the
whiskey a second time; & this they call doubling it, but
I should rather say, rectifying it.

To make Yeast. Take \ peck of good malt, & put
over the fire with 4 or 5 gals, water. Let it boil a little
time, then put in a keg with one head out, and a little
emp 'tings, or yeast, to set the fermenting process
agoing. Thus you may obtain good yeasty to be used
as above.

Saturday, 16th. At 10 this morning, Mr. Breck &
myself set off for Pittsburg, a distance of — miles.
We crossed the North Mountain, & dined at Skinner's ;
then crossed the Path Valley & the Tuscarora Moun-
tain, & slept at Bird's, Fort Littleton. In my journal
of last year I gave a more particular description of
this combination of mountains ; but in my present state
am in no mood to describe them again.

Sunday, 17th. Mounted our horses at 5^, & went to
the foot of Sideling Hill to breakfast, where our horses
fared much better than we did. We crossed the Side-
ling Bidge & Juniata, & dined at Martin's, on veal
cutlet & trout; thence to Bedford & oated. Here we
fell in w^th a Dutchman who undertook to pilot us over
Will's hill. This route would save us 3^ miles in a
distance of 8 miles; and although the sun was short

112 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

of an hour high, we undertook it. It seemed necessary
to go this way as it avoided several creeks too deep
for a horse to pass without swimming. This hill might
well be called a monntain, as it is about three miles
over, and at least one mile high, the most rocky placo
my eyes ever beheld. However, we began with resolu-
tion, & made with all our mi^t for the top. We
scrambled along up for fully an hour, when at length,
tired out, we attained the summit.

The prospect looking down was worse than it waa
coming up. The sun was below the horizon, & black
night approaching left no time for parley or poetry;
therefore, we cast ourselves off, and, in about three
quarters of an hour, tumbled to the bottom. Then
made the best of our way, sometimes in a brook, some-
times by the side of it, throughl thick brush, this for
better than half an hour, when we reached McGaggay's
and, tired out completely, went to rest. Here observe,
that when we w^re on the top of Will's hill we had a
most magnificent view, allways; wa actually over-
looked the Alleghany mountains on one hand & the
North mountains on the other.

Monday, 18th. We were off this morning at 6
o'clock. The hill we passed over last evening lying
in the East prevented the sun's maMng his appearance
till that time. When I mounted my horse I felt as if
all bones & no sinews, very stiff indeed. Bode 8 miles
to breakfast, & then 14 more to where Mr. Breck made
his dinner on mUk. I felt too poorly to eat any thing.
The road w)e have traversed today is in the glades alto-
gether, & extremely bad, the horses frequently mired
up to their bellies. In crossing the Alleghany moun-
tains, the trees for the most part, I observed, had not
began to leaf out, though the wild plums were in full
bloom, & just about as forward as they were last year
when I passed, — 17 days earlier than this. Everything
bespeaks the season to be nearly three weeks later than
last year's.

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 113

Tuesday, 19th. Having arisen at 5, we pressed on
our journey. Breakfasted at the foot of Laurel moun-
tain, at the house of one S *s, where everything was

so sluttish, that my appetite was not keen enough to
overcome the disgust. These mountainous regions still
full of the chill of winter. There was considerable
frost last nighty & I rode all the morning in my cant-
sloper.* Put up at Noel's where we slept tolerably,
although there wete eight persons in the same room.

Wednesday, 20th. Set out for NoePs at 6 o'clock,
rode 8 miles, & breakfasted at the worst house I have
entered yet. Such a slut, such a hog stye! We
travelled 5 miles more, & then had arrived at Sum-
merell's ferry, which is the head of navigation on these
Western wtaters. We crossed, & put up at Summerell's.
Here we must tarry a couple of days, to rest & clean
up. This might be made a pretty place of business,
but the people do not seem to understand it. The in-
habitants had rather live in a very poor way than take
a little pains to have it otherwise. Slept pretty well,
in a high room — charming — open to the air — clean &
pure.

Thursday, 21st. A rainy morning. Wind from the
S. W. & cold. Kept abed till 7, then arose, & washed
at a liviag spring from the mountain, where it comes
out as big as one's thigh. Then had a notable break-
fast of coffee, bacon, mackerel, bread & butter, & buck-
wheat cakes. Staid here, & dined; and at 3 o'clock
set out for Bedstone, a distance of 16 miles up the
Monongahela, which place wie reached at sunset, having
rode it in one stage, & were well tired. The country
through which M^e have passed is called the Forks of
Youghogany, & is thinly settled; but the best land I
ever beheld. I have but two faults to find with it.

* Contoloper. This word, spelled also KenUloper and KhanMlapeTf
ooeuni several times in Col. May's Journals. It was probably some
sort of tHopper, or outside garment^ for taming rain.

114 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

First, hill in great abundance & extremely rich; and,
second, so heavily timbered that it would make one's
heart ache to think of clearing it. We put up at Tan-
nery Hills, a very good tavern, where I had a good
night. Yesterday, the snow was two inches thick on the
Laurel motmtains, so say two travellers ; and there was
not a little frost this morning at this place. Bedstone.
Friday, 22nd. A pleasant but frosty morning. A
Mr. Niel has just now caught a sturgeon, 5 ft. long,
& will weigh 60 lbs. He is a clumsy ugly looking fel-
low, with a skin as roug^ as that of our dog fiysh. There
are two sorts of sturgeon in the waters. The other
kind is a handsomer fiysh; but I have no desire to eat
of either of them. This place quite small, not more
than fifty houses, but a prodigious thoroughfare for
travellers into Kentucky & the Western Country. Not
less than fifteen thousand souls have taken their de-
parture hence this summer. Since I was here last year
two kinds of birds, unknown before, have come to in-
habit here. One a delightful little red fellow, with
black wings & a blue bill, who sings also agreeably;
the other a kind of mack-U gull which dwells on the
waters, with dark body & white wings, something re-
sembling a church minister in his robes. As to tiie
seasons, either they are altered or I am, for I have
been almost frozen this three weeks. In fact vegeta-
tion speaks the same way. Somehow, a diange has
come over me, & things do not appear so bright &
beautiful as they did last year. But one's feelings
cannot change the real state of things. This country
must be of immense value in time. This season is an
extraordinary one, & my feelings are influenced by
times and seasons, as mudi as they by causes I know
not of. [Here follow in tiie original several lines writ-
ten in some sort of cypher, which after repeated at-
tempts, the editor finds himself unable to decypher.]
There are three stores in this place which take con-

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 115

siderable money, but more prodncei which again is sold
for cash to people from Marietta, or bomid to Ken-
tacky.

Saturday, 23d. At 9 this morning we left Bedstone
— ^a beautifnl, pleasant day. We lost our way soon
after starting, & wandered about for an hour, but came
out all right at last. At sunset we arrived at Eark-
endal's, thoroughly tired out, & took for a sleeping
place an old log house, with three beds on the floor,
on whidi eight people slept. I was awtakened often
by various noises, once by the barking of dogs & the
howling of wolves.

Sunday, 24th. Rose early on a pleasant morning.
Vegetation is much more forward here than it is
forty miles back. I hold to my opinion that the sea^
son is not so forward here as in New; England. The
people are almost frightened by the cold weather, &
its long continuance. After breakfast, my landlord
took me out to view his plantations. He had a field
of wheat of 25 acres, 18 of excellent rye, another of
16 acres oats, & a large one of com. He has besides
a good stone mill, a saw-mill, a whiskey-mill, & sev-
eral out houses. He may be called a rich man. Never-
theless, he treats himself the worst of all, for he lives
in a house not much better than a stye. Question,
how much better is a man than a — ^I don't say a sheep
— ^but than another sort of animal, less savory surely
when he is alive f At this place we staid, & kept Sun-
day.

Monday, 25th. Night before last, we had a touch
of the aurora horealis, which in this country is the sure
forerunner of rain ; and at 1 in the morning it set in, &
continued to rain, without intermission, till 12 at noon.
Yesterday week the rivers were higher than ever be-
fore known to the white inhabitants, now they are as
low as they ever sink. Was rapid tiieir rise and fall.

116 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

Soon as the rain ceased, we were off. • Arrived at Mar-
cus Hnlins a little before sunset. Put np at Elliott's.

Tuesday, 26tk. Spent the day at Kttsbnrg. Found
money affairs here at a low ebb. Everybody unwill-
ing to part with money but very anxious to get it.
You cannot buy anything without putting money in
hand, nor sell it & receive your pay back.

Wednesday, 27th. At 9 o'clock, this morning, Mr.
Breck & myself left Elliott's, crossed the Monongahela
to Pittsburg, & thence Mr. Breck departed for Oreens-
burg, a town on the road to Philadelphia, about 30
miles from Pitt, to intercept, if he could, the wagons
ft turn them to Bedstone, while I took a road to the
left in order to meet them at Cherry's Mills, and turn
them the same w^y (if there). We were led to this
movement by the necessity of raising money, & for
other reasons.

Lodged at ni^t at one Carpenter's, in a log cabin.
Through the night, it thundered, lightened, ft rained
incessantly. I was never in a worse situation in my
life. Slept but little, ft rose the first chance. The
weather then clear, but myself little rested. No rest,
however, to the sole of my foot as yet. I must climb
the Chestnut Bidge again.

Thursday, 28th. A clear morning, but a cold ft
cloudy day. Some allowance to be made for my situa-
tion, — ^in the region of clouds. At 2 o'clock put up at
George Antford's, wliere matters ft things mudi too
promiscuous for my taste. The confusion crazes me.
Such a port as this worse than the stormy seas. I
must up & away. The rains of last night have washed
out the roads, raised the rivers in the usual style, ft
generally turned up Jack. Not a word can I hear of
the wagons. This life of suspense, oh, it is like death
to me ! It is true I have not been totally idle. Such a
wild goose chase as I have been on ! Have visited Sum-
merell's. Bedstone, Elizabeth's town. Fort Pitt, ft

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 117

Greensburg, & now at the S. W. foot of Laurel Monn-
tain. Wonid to God I was ont of this business, & so
far on my way home. But the tug of the oar, I fear,
is bnt just began. The plan of the voyage was good,
if only everybody else had not done the same. When
at Baltimore & Shippensburg I had information that
a number of people had gone out on the same plan.
Arrived at Bedstone, we found that a vast many had
gone or were going. So that the trade will be entirely
overdone. The general agreement is, that Marietta
is a pretty place ; but there is no money nor produce
there for purposes of exchange. Therefore, it will
not do to take our effects there, unless we are ready
for a dead loss. If We carry them to Pittsburg it will
be about the same, for a condition of things quite as
bad is there. Bedstone seems the only alternative, &
that a poor one. However, I am not without hope
that by industry & frugality we may save our prop-
erty; but the prospect of gain is poor.

Friday, S9th. Although in a perfect bedlam, had a
middling night. Bose at i o'clock, & found a cold,
lowering morning. Still waiting for the wagons. With
nothing to do, my harp hung on the willows ; and, sur-
rounded with devils, I am to be pitied. For 48 hours
I have eaten nothing. There is not anything that my
stomach does not nauseate at. If it does not come
to soon I must go home — to the long one whence there
is no returning. My place of sojourn is at the foot
of Laurel Mountains, — ^not a house within five miles,
except a little cabia. Our inmates are all Dutch ex-
cepting the beasts. She who was mistress is dead. The
old man, a daughter of eighteen, two hired women a
little older, three hired men, a number of children, be-
side a bear & five dogs make up our bedlam, as af ore^
said. This day pulled off my underwaist coat, not that
I was too warm, but I had worn it since the 23d of
April, & was afraid to wear it longer without washing ;

Vol. XLV.-

4 : I

118 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

and I am now considering the question whether I shall

take cold without it. Oh that I w^ where I would be,

.: & then would I be where I should be 1 Hope, in the

jj careless ways in which I am obliged to live, & exposed

to all sorts of company, I have not caught the i — ch.

I have been in danger, I suppose, many times. At 2

•'J o'clock this day fell in with a gentleman from Cham-

* ' ii ' berstown bound for Pittsburg. I inquired of him re-

J ' specting Dr. Downer. He informed me that the

T^ons set off from Ohamberstown on Friday last, ft

although he had driven fast, he could not overtake

I them, & that they had taken the old Pennsylvaiua road.

' . ^ This made it necessary for me to throw myself across

. . ) '^'' the country, 15 miles North, to Greensburg, to meet

•• ^ them, or at least to look up Mr. Breck. At this crisis

of affairs, it was against me that my underclothing

f^ ^ was in the wash. However, I bribed the w^omen to

leave their other employment, & put my matters in a

»^' way to be made up. In two hours time it was done,

& at half past 4, P. M. I left my comfortless lodgings,

& rode with as much speed as my horse would carry

me eight miles to Laffingis 's where the entertainment

was good. Here I fell in with Col. Parry Sheriff of the

County of Westmoreland. He was a great talker, ft

kept it a going till bed time, when we slept together.

Saturday, 30th — ^Bose at 4 o'clock, & in half an hour

was off. In three hours arrived at Greensburg, where

I found friend Breck, but he had not heard a word

from the Doctor.

^ After breakfast he set off for Hanna's town in

''i ' search of the wagons. A dreary experience have I had

of it this time; truly sick am I of the expedition; as

well as weary & worn out in mind & body. On this

long & fatiguing journey I have ridden upwards of

800 miles since I left Boston. Hope my land tacks are

almost over for the present, & that I shall behold the

face of the doctor before summer. At night slept on

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 119

oat chaff, & rested quite well. This town of Greens-
burg, a comity town three years old, has thirty odd
log houses in it, and, I am of opinion, there are not
thirty beds in tilie whole place. Mr. Breck not re-
turned.

Sunday, 31st. It being Sunday, called in New Eng-
land a day of rest, ft being disposed to keep it in that
w^y, did not rise till 7. At 9 breakfasted with Col
Parry on venison steaks, quails, tea, &c. At 11 Mr.
Breck returned ft brought intelligence of the wagons
in good order, nine miles from this place. Hope I shall
see €hem tonight. Have just spoken with a young
woman whose husband has recently returned from
Wheeling. She says that the savages have killed six
people at that place, and that the inhabitants are mov-
ing away from some places, ft fortifying in others;
also that the fear of attacks from the Indians has pre-
vented many from planting com. From this & other
reports I have heard, am of opinion there will be an
Indian war. These reports were so common last year,
ft so little come of them, that I have paid but small
attention to them this. Facts, howfever, are stubborn
things, and I am at length compelled, against my will,
to believe these hell hounds are bent on mischief. Hav-
ing made their treaty, ft got all they wanted, they are ^.^
now going to work at their proper trade, viz. cruelty
ft bloodshed.

Monday, Jime 1st. I rose at 6 with a violent pain
in my right side. For several days I have been wor-
ried with pain there, which I was in hopes would dis- 4[
appear of itself; but, so far for that, reinforcements ^
have been moved up. May be I shall not get better
of the distress without a doctor. Althou^ it is called
summer, there is still frost enough to remind one of
winter. Cold frosty morning this, a fire comfortable,
flannel waistcoat by no means to be despised. At 10 —
hallelujah I — our wagons hove in sight. Had not seen

120 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

them for 18 days. At 2 o'clock all at hand. Left
Greensbnrgy across the country for Bedstone, and at
sunset had got as far as Perry's Mills, where the
wagons. Dr. Dowper & son stayed all ni^t. Mr. Breck
& myself went on 3^ miles farther to Col. Hodden's
where we slept.

Tv^sday, 2nd. Did not rise very early. Am fuU of
pain yet. Set oft for Bndd's ferry, where we arrived
at 9 A. M. & breakfasted. '^More ha^te than good
speed," however. Waited for the wagons till sunset;
and it took till 9 in the morning to get them all across
the river. A very poor night, owing to body thor-
oughly fagged out, & wretched bed. Why cannot the
people of this country treat themselves at least as
well as they do their brutes, ft live a little more like
rational beings f

Wednesday, 3rd. The wagons were started at 6
o'clock for Bedstone. After we had travelled 5 miles
stopped to feed, wjhen news came of rather an appall-
ing nature, of a violent hurricane near Bedstone, last
Saturday. We had before heard that half the trees on
the Alleghany mountains were blown down. We kept
on, however, till night, when we came within the out-
skirts of the devastation. I was ahead of the wagons
Wo miles, ft, it being simset, left them ft my compan-
ions to sleep in the woods. There I made for the house
of a farmer named Go, was received, ft well enter-
tained. And indeed I needed it, for the prospect of all
my plans failing shook my nerves to pieces, ft I went
to bed sick, sick.

Thursday, 4th. Bose early, ft went forward to re-
connoitre ttie scene of destruction. Such a scene as it
was, what pen can describe itt Waited till my old
farmer had cleared the way for nearly a mile. I fol-
lowed in his wake, till I came where once had stood
a dense forest of lofty trees, but now about half of them

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 121

were thrown down a thonsand ways, in the most con-
fused manner. Not to be dannted, I penetrated into
it nearly a quarter of a mile, wiiich brought me, as I
estimated, within 3 miles of my destined port, viz. Bed-
stone ; but I then saw it wlonld be impossible to work
through, without long delay, ft as for the wagons, it was
out of the question. I stood, looked, then turned,
**lifted up my voice ft wepf *• Gk)d, how infinite art
thou, how frail ft weak are we'M Forty three days of
wearing anxiety, of almost incessant fatigue, — and here
at last shut out ! However, to submit to the inevitable
is the part of philosophy, as well as of piety. I turned
immediately back, informed the wagoners that it was
impossible to proceed, ft halted them on a high hill; and
here a council of war was called. To go forward was
impossible; to turn back a distressing thought; while
to stay where we were would be most disagreeable, in
fact destructive. We spent three hours couBidering
the question, what shall we dof reconnoitering, con-
sulting, comparing viewls. At length we concluded to
turn our wagons down a creek called Little Bedstone ;
and here finding a disused log cabin, put our effects into
it. And I can truly say a more melancholy scene my
eyes never beheld. Here we settled with our wagoners ;
ft having paid duties in Baltimore of £23 ft more, ft
been journeying 43 days, stopping at taverns ft other
places where charges were high, our cash on hand was
so reduced that we were obliged to give our joint note,
payable on demand, for a considerable amount. The
wagoners' bill from Baltimore to Shippensburg, ft
thence to this place, at 25/ per Cwt. Penn. Currency ft

£ s d

one day allowed ferriage 105^ 12"

Freight from Boston to Baltimore 4" 10"

Ditto paid Custom house officer 23" 2" 3

Storage V 12"

122 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

£ s d
viz. Our note 18" 11" 9 to James Welch

20" 3" 3 to Jno Hindman
p^d by Jn» May 18" 7" 5 to Jno Thompson

17" 5" 5 to Jno Herron

74" 7"10 P. currency
Several reasons indnced as to go to Bedstone, one
was that Kentacky & Muskingmn were filled with goods
of all kinds, as we heard; another was that, going
thither, we shonld ran some little hazard of loss by
Indians. But the absolute necessity of raising money
to pay the wagoners wlas the strongest inducement.
Any how our plans have failed, but I suppose it is all
for the best. Here we are in a doleful situation &
dismal place. All the Paeons grant that our continu-
ance here may be of short duration. The best we can
expect will be to save ourselves, probably we shall fall
short of even that. Slept at ni^t on the grain chest,
where I could see the stars through the shingles.

Friday, 5th. Bose at 4^. The sun shone beautifully
in our rude dwelling, but a fog soon arose which lasted
till 9, at which time Dr. Downer & myself undertook
to walk to Jackson's Mills, a distance of 5^ miles,
through that part of the country where the tornado
had raged. We went on tolerably well for two miles,
when we found the trees so mangled, broken, & torn
that to get along was next to impossible. At times
we were obliged to make a detour of quarter of a mile
through the woods, in order to find a passage. After
travelling stoutly for upwards of tiiree hours we 1

reached our destination, thoroughly tired. To give a
full ft particular description of the ravages of the hur-
ricane is what I shall not attempt. One fact I will
state will give as good an idea of its prodigious power
as a thousand details. I saw a black walnut tree, three
feet through, sound ft thrifty as tree could be; and

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 123

this was broken short off, five ft. 3 inches from the
ground. The hei^t wias 136 feet. The force of the
fall was so great, that the small limbs were mere crom-
bleSy and the larger ones r^naining hardly more than
four feet in length. Nearby was^ a house, which was
unroofed. All the orchard and other trees in the
vicinity prostrate. The length of the path cut by the
gust is unknown ; but the breadth was generally about
4 miles.

At Jackson's we purchased a boat, 36 ft. long by 12
wide, for which we paid him in good money £9" 19s.
She is covered with a good roof, 25 ft. in length, and
will make us a good dwelling place, as we trust. Got
back to the cabin well tired, of course. I was taken
violently sick in the night, & the illness lasted till mom-
ing. (A passage follows which appears to read thus,
*'Sprague's Dovers pills'' to some sort of pills used
in medicine) Perhaps it was ow^g to eating bread
made of sick wheat.

Saturday, 6th. Am in a weak & low condition, ft
have passed a very poor day. Our people have had
plenty of fine fish, but I have had no appetite to taste
them. We had a heavy gust last night, attended with
thunder & a heavy hail storm, but it did not last long.
We have employed the day in settling our accounts,
and opening a book for business. Though people are
in want of everything we have got, they have no money
to pay for it.

8v/nday, 7th. A melancholy day to me. Indisposed
as I have been for several days, I find the mind par-
takes of the body's feebleness. Some aspects of the
situation mi^t api>ear romantic to some sorts of
people, but for me only its solemn considerations make
any impression. Here am I in the wilderness with
five tons of goods stored away in a log cabin, 20 x 17.
Through the roof the stars may be studied to great
advantage, when the clouds do not intervene. The hut

124 Journal of Col John May, of Boston, 1789.

is in a deep valley, the width of which is not more
than 400 yards. On either side is a tremendous moun-
tain, at least 300 ft. high ; and the donds are constantly
manoeuvring overhead. There are generally four or
five showers a day; & between the showers fishermen
are passing to the river, a J nule oflF.

Bead today Mr. Appleton's sermon on the death of
'Squire Flint, which I like very well. Indeed, funeral
sermons furnish about as sprightly subjects as any
I have met with, these several days. Slept poorly, &
rose early.

Monday, 8th. Mr. Breck & the Doctor gone for the
boat. I hope to see them back by 12 o'clock. The
winds are very shifty. They generally box the com-
pass two or three times a day. Have received ten
dollars today for goods. The boat did not arrive till
7 o'clock.

Tuesday, 9th. At 5 o'clock we began to move our
effects from the cabin to the boat; & by indefatigable
industry by 12, noon, had accomplished it, moving five
tons & upwards a quarter of a mile. No accident
occurred, excepting that one cask of nails rolled off
the dray, ft fell into the river, in about 4 feet depth
of water, whence we afterwiards fished it out. This
afternoon we have all been very busy opening goods.
Our boat will prove, I think, very convenient, and our
prospects — ^let us hope — will brighten.

Wednesday, 10th. Bose at 4^. Went immediately
to business, & continued at it without intermission all
day. Have taken upwards of $20 cash ; & we are try-
ing to add to the conveniences of the boat. Wind
variable, & showers every day.

Thursday, 11th. Bose at 4, & as yesterday went to
work at once. Took $20 before breakfast, ft paid for
our boat in goods. This day's work iu all amounts
to near £30. What cash we now receive is to pay for a
dead horse, as it must all go to pay the wagoners, a sum

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 125

not less than £56. I do not knoT7| how we shall raise it,
but we shall use every exertion, as we have given our
word that we will not go down the river until we have
paid it. Several vague reports have reached us, that
our people at Muskingum have had an action with the
savages, routed them, & killed a number — ^a hundred
according to some stories. I distrust these rumors
very much. However, we are lying in a place where
we have no communication with the world, excepting
through a few creatures almost as ignorant as the brute
creation.

Four nights now I have slept at the house of a Mr.
Richards, where are tolerably good bed accommodar
tions. State of health & the want of my own bed
apparatus compels me to this. Truly I have not had
a well day since I left Boston. It is hard work to
perform such a journey, ft undertake what we are do-
ing, without one sprightly day. Where we are is 50
miles from Pittsburg, up the Monongahela river.

Friday, 12th. Bose at 4, walked 1^ miles from my
lodgings, soaped ft washed at a large ft beautiful
spring, ft drank a pint. I have a dose of tartar emetic
prepared, but if I can save the ship without resorting
to the pumps — ^pumping up through the teeth — shall
make the effort at least. Busy as a bee, all day. Took
about $20 in cash, and this at a place where one would
never think of looking for inhabitants, much less for
money. We are living certainly at a very cheap rate,
no rent, no taxes, nor any bills of that description.
We hang out our lines, to catch fish, ft haul them in
when we want them. Indeed the fish are excellent, and
generally we make a meal of one of them, once a day.
Extremely hot today, with the thermometer at 80^.
The mid day is, as a rule, hot, whUe the nights & morn-
ings are cold, so wie have fires in the evening. Not a
cloud has been seen this day all over the horizon. Went
to roost at 9 o'clock.

126 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

Saturday, 13th. Bose at 4 o'clock, took the same
walk as yesterday, washed, & drank the pure mountain
draught. Returned to the boat, found all asleep, routed
them out, & we set the store in order. But little busi-
ness today. Took only £3 cash, & some provisions for
our own use. A beautiful day, as clear as a bell, the
third one we have had together.

Sunday, 14th. A delightful morning, all nature re-
joicing. The notes of the birds of all kinds so many
& so incessant, one is almost stunned. By the decreed
ft usages of our fathers, this day appointed for one of
rest. Hope I shall be able to observe it as such. Wrote
a letter to Col. Battelle, informing him of where I am,
in what hidden work. The day very hot, thermometer
at 85°. At sunset a beautiful shower, ft the clouds all
over the horizon like burnished gold most glorious. My
eyes never rested on a more magnificent spectacle.

Monday, 15th. Rose at the usual hour. All hands
employed in making cable. Finished by sunset, & had
a good one. A number of people here today, but it is
like stripping the cow after you have milked. They
have paid away all their money, ft by no device can get
more.

It is time we were going down the river, but the
water is too low for us to think of doing it at present.
We might still trade to any extent if we would take
produce; but what could we do with it if we had itt
Slept on board last ni^t on a straw bed.

Tuesday, 16th. Rose before 4. Hauled in a perch
wieighing 8^ lbs. as fine ft fat a fellow as I have seen.
Fish are not plenty at this spot, but by keeping a line
out always we have them when wanted. They are as
good a fish as our rock (cod), ft it would puzzle any-
one to find the difference between them, w^hen properly
cooked.

When the sui was an hour high, the Doctor & myself
took a canoe ft went down the river to a large ripple

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 127

to ascertain its depth of water. We found it very
rapid & shoal, ft made np our minds the big boat could
not pass it. Betamed very tired, ft slept on my straw
bed.

Wednesday, 17th. Bose at 3^, not wbolly satisfied
in my own mind but that the boat might go down the
river after all. I want to be at least 12 miles lower
down the river than now. I procured twto experienced
men to survey the ripples, ft report At 8 they re-
turned, ft pronounced them impassable. So here we
are, laid up, the Lord knows how long. I was afraid
we might be caught in this way, but we could not get
ready to move sooner. Certain we have eaten no bread
of idleness since we came here, ft have taken better
than $100 so far; have paid for our boat $33, besides
taking enough for our own stores. If 12 or 14 miles
further down the river, we might be in the way to in-
tercept letters going to Muskingum, ft might also have
opportunities to send some to my dear friend.

Thursday, 18th. Bose at 3 o'clock, ft w|ent into a
shower bath I have. It thundered ft lightened all night,
but with very little rain. I am in hopes the river may
rise before long, after all, as there has been a heavy
doud all night towards its head. Yesterday, I pilotted
a Kentuck boat with two families in it over the ripples.
I did this by way of experiment, to ascertain if our
boat might possibly get over. This boat drew only
7 inches water, ft went over handsomely. Ours draws
12^ inches, which is too much, ft cannot go over till the
river rises, wli I pray God may be soon.

Friday, 19th. Bose at 3, ft had a fine morning walk,
which I greatly enjoyed, two miles to the boat. Called
up all hands. We went to spinning fish liues, & made
great proficiency. We could make four of 22 yards
length in an hour. The stuff they are made of costs
3d each, and they sell for 2 shillings. The river seems
inclined to rise a little. Yesterday five Kentuck boats

128 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

passed us ; but none of them drew more than 8 inches
w^ter. They all went over clear, but one of them
struck twice, & another once ; but they were not much
hurt. Their effects were not of much value, having
sent their horses & wagons across to Wheeling. Be-
fore the day was out, our river had risen about two
inches.

Saturday, 20th. Rose at 3, & ascertained that the
river had fallen in the night more than an inch. Not-
withstanding, we cast off our fasts, & dropt down to
within a few rods of the ripple. Here we stopt, & I
wtaded in & explored the dhannel, examining here &
there for more than half an hour. Found rocks that
had hardly 12^ inches of water on them, & the current
very strong. But the question was, to hazard the boat
over, or stay there prisoners all summer. We made
a bold dash for luck, ft were so fortunate as to go over
without bumping. The river was so low that we were
all day, and industrious at that, in getting down to
Cameras (t) ferry, where we arrived an hour after
sunset, wiell fagged out, for this has been the hottest
day of the season* The mercury ranging at 89®.
Soon after we landed, there came a heavy thunder
gust which lasted for two hours, & with very vivid
li^tning.

Sunday, 2l8t. I was too tired to sleep last night,
& awoke in the morning unref reshed. Bose at 3. The
situation we have now is better than the former one.
Hope the business we shall do will prove it to be so.
At 11, A. M. another violent thunder gust. Heavy fly-
ing clouds afterwards. Towards evening it was pretty
clear, excepting in the N. W. where there laid a bank
which kept up a constant flashing of lightning. Mer-
cury today up to 90°. Went to bed at 9. At 12 the
thunder awakened me. By the time I had struck a
light, the rain came down in great sheets, & the thunder
& lightning were tremendous. One flash struck within

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 129

a quarter of a mile of us, tore three trees to pieces, &
killed seven hogs belonging to Mr. Gartner.

Monday, 22nd. Rose early, & took np the floor of
our boat, & cleaned her ont; then properly jointed &
relaid the floor, put up our shed forwurd, & in fact
made a fine boat of her. Though we have had several
showers today, the river has not risen one inch. How
long, Lord, how* long are we to stay prisoners on this
Monongabela river t Yet, even if free, should we not
be at a loss to know where to gof Better is it to stay
even in misery, if to go farther looks worse. I have
seen several traders returned from Muskingom who
have left a large part of their property, unsold, at
Marietta. Bvening, a little cooler. Thermometer at
81°.

Tuesday, 23d. Slept well, & was up at 4 o'clock, ft
soon set off for Summerell's ferry, having heard, last
evening, that Gen. Putnam was there, on his return
to New England. Though I made all haste, I was too
late. When I arrived, he had been gone an hour. I
hoped he would have tarried there all day, as he had
to buy a new horse, having tired out his old one. My
disappointment was severe, & I felt for the time almost
disposed to struggle no longer, but let the world take
its own way, without help or hindrance from me; for
do I not labor in vain, & spend my strength & spirits
for naught t The people where w^ are now come thick
& fast enough to see our goods, & give them the price.
They cry out ** cheap, very dieap''; but they go away
without buying — & why t Because they have no money,
ft there is none to be had anywhere. Somehow a little
tires me. I went to bed very tired.

Wednesday, 24th. Bose at 3, to find our boat had
sprung a leak through some mismanagement. Some
of our folks who had altered her loading had made her
very one sided. When I got up she had not less than
15 hhds of water in her. Called all hands, ft set the

130 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

•

pmnp agoing; and in about an hour had all right again.
Wrote Mrs. May yesterday, left the letter at Sum-
merell's ferry, enclosing others of 7th, 14th, ft 21st
inst. Little or no business a-doing. The river ex-
tremely low, ft my spirits to matdi. Health wretched,
ft all my conveniences at Marietta. From evils of all
kinds — esi)ecially such as we are now enduring — ^good
Lord deliver us. For a resource ft occupation, Joseph
ft myself went into the woods, ft brought back trees
to be wrought into a tender for our big boat.

Thursday, 25th. Joseph ft I employed in making
a dory. Had little to call me off, ft by sunset had her
complete, all except caulking ft graving. She is a
pretty little craft, 17 ft. long ft 2^ wide in the middle,
ft 18 indies deep. We might trade largely if we would
take produce, ft if money was plenty below it might
answer; but from all information there is none to be
had. So one call is as good as another, ft some the best
of all. From intelligence received a few days ago, the
places that Were taking ginseng at 2/6 per pound fell
yesterday, at the little places, to 1/6. From what I
saw at New York, Philadelphia, ft Baltimore I sus-
pected a decline was at hand ; ft though I have as yet
refused taking any, yet if I can sell the goods, ft take
good ginseng at 1/6, I am not afraid, as it may bear
keeping one or two years at that price.

Friday, 26th. The night was cold, but it is a warm
day. Employed myself finishing the dory. When I
was at the helm last Saturday, coming down the river
from Little Bedstone I had a good compass, came slow,
ft followed the meanderings, which I made out as fol-
lows:

From Little Bedstone N. N. W. one mile to Linn's
ripple; then same course \ mile to a point on the left
hand; then W. N. W. 2\ miles to Spears' ripple; thence
N. N, W. li miles to another ripple; then N. one
mile ft N. E. i mile; then E. 1^ miles to Sweringin's

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 131

(t) ferry; then N. N. E. one mile to Gartner's ferry
(t) ; thence one mile N., i mile N. E. i mile N. W. by
W., li miles W. N. W. to McClintock's (t) ferry at
3 o'clock, P. M. (The next sentence appears to read
''The distance between Gartner's (f) & this place 3^
miles in 2^ hours. This slow & hard work") We stopt
here to receive 40 gals whiskey in exchange for a rifle
gun, but when it was brought it proved to be half
water, & we would not take it. The land about here
is excellent ; but the people are too lazy or too ignorant
to cultivate it to advantage, and are miserably poor.

Saturday, 27th. A cold night, & heavy fog in the
morning. Did not rise till 5 o'clock, the fog continu-
ing heavy for several hours, which prevented our mov-
ing. The sun began to disperse the vapors at 7 o'clock,
& then we employed our wooden sails again; and in
two hours went two miles to Devoe's ferry, all the way
with the current. Struck this morning, for the first
time, but did no damage. The course of the river from

McCl to Devoes is W li, W. by N. i mile, N. N. W.

i mile. Here we must stay till the river rises. This
afternoon, a poor boy was induced to swim a stallion
across the river. Bight opposite our boat on the other
side of the river was a bank, & he could not rise it ; and
turned back. The boy reined in the frightened animal
too hard, & both were drowned. Three men in a canoe
that persuaded him in, were afraid to go to him, when
they might have saved him; but they delayed more
than seven minutes, & are chargeable with the loss
of the lad.

Sunday, 28th. Poorly in health, no reading, no
preaching, nothing to do. All hands gone to bury the
drowned. Bull frogs, toads, turtle doves make so much
noise, they drive away sleep.

Monday, 29th. ''An ill wind that blows nobody any
good" — ^tiiou^ poor for us, beautiful weather for far-
mers. Biver as low, within 3 inches, as ever known to

132 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

be. Nothing to do but cook, eat, sleep, & hold Colley* by
the tail. Jonmalizing amounts to nothing, for all is
intolerable sameness, as we Ue wasting our time on
these drowsy waters.
Tuesday, 30th. All the same. Walked out today

5 miles. Lands good, but hilly, & very poorly culti-
vated. When I returned from the waDc, I found the
river had fallen so much it was unsafe to stay on the
East side, where we had not more than three inches to
spare, and we must change our place. Yesterday I
thought we should be obliged to move soon, & had
pitdied on Pigeon Creek, nearly opposite, as the place
to move to, as there is a deep place at its mouth that has
nearly 12 feet water. Therefore at 4 o'clock, P. M. we
unmoored, & without much difficulty crossed the river, &
were soon secure in Pigeon Creek, where we must stay
till the river swells again.

Wednesday, July 1st. Sixty-nine days since we left
Boston. I will strive to suppress sighs & lamentations,
for what living man has a right to complain. Never-
theless, between me & this book, it must be owned, my
feelings are tortured, & groans will find their way
out, if not through the throat, through the finger tips.
How have I striven, how little accomplished I Surely
**the race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to
the strong*' — ^that's Scripture, and it's truth too. So I
sometimes think it might be as well for one to sit down,

6 sing *'0h be easy."

At 9 o'clock this morning mounted a little dapple
gray horse & rode up the banks of the creek 4^ miles,
in which distance I crossed it seventeen times. I
visited the house of a Mrs. Colvill, and traded with
her for nine cheeses, which were pretty good, & a
quantity of maple sugar. Here as elsewhere no money.

Thursday, 2nd. Where we are lying it is 12 feet
deep, as I have stated. But you can wade the river

Mn abbreviation for melaneholy.

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 133

almost any where. In places yon can go across it,
& not find more than nine inches wuter. Still nnw^ll,
& patience severely exercised. Am meditating a jonr-
ney to Marietta by land, providing the river does not
rise in three or four days. If the journey is made, I
shall be able to form some opinion as to whether it
will be prudent to go down the river, as far as the place
named, with our goods. People whom I have con-
versed with seem to be agreed,^there is no money there,
& three stores are already opened.

Friday, 3rd. Got up early to do nothing. Oh. that
my goods were back again in Boston — or anywhere —
rather than on this dismal Monongahela river I I can-
not help recording, this is the severest trial of my life.
If I am ever happy enough to get out of this, I put
these thoughts dowin that the lessons of the past may
not be forgotten. Here week after week, with little
or nothing to do, no money stirring, & with no sort of
amusement to divert the mind from gloomy fancies,
& many thoughts & anxieties about tiiose far away.
As for our business, to take produce will not do. Gin-
seng is worse than nothing. Not a penny to be seen;
& if we give credit we lose everything. The property
we have here too valuable to be run away from. So we
must stay, & wait for better times. To crown all, not
a word from Boston since I left it.

Saturday, 4th. This the anniversary of Indepen-
dence; but we poor fellowis must keep it in rather a
doleful manner, not with the high glee in which I
shared at Marietta last year. Even if there be no
money there, they will no doubt celebrate the day this
year. And it is best they should. In this world of
disappointments, let us take what enjoyment we can
get. "Let us eat & drink for tomorrow we die.'*

"The best laid schemes o* mice an' men

Gang aft a-gley,

And lea'e us nought but grief and pain,

For promised joy."
Vol. XLV.— 10

134 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

Today, Mr. James Leach from Marietta boimd for
Boston called, & took lodgings with me. Glad enou^
was I to see him. He not only brou^t news from
Marietta, which I was desirous to get, but will be a safe
messenger to carry letters to Boston.

Sunday, 5th. Writing letters, one to Mrs. May,
others to Joseph May, Jon* Freeman, & my children
John Jr., Henry K., Catharine C. & Sophia. Had for
dinner a good boiled dish & roast chickens. Mr. Leach
with us.

Monday, 6th. The river rose three inches today,
& the Water 5° warmer than the air. Put the thermom-
eter in the water, & the mercury goes up to 82°, take
it out & it stands at 77°. Took $20 cash, better than
nothing, but very small business for four men.

Tuesday, 7th. Went to bed late, slept but little, &
feel very slim today. The river rises no more. I am
preparing to go to Marietta over land. About sunset
Mr. Stratton came to see us, from Washington [Penn.]
He brought information that some person had shot

Geo. Washington W (unreadable), an Lidian, in

consequence of which three parties of Lidians had
landed on the East side of the Ohio river in order to
retaliate. The news did not alter my plans, and I set
off for Marietta, in company with him as far as Wash-
ington.

Wednesday, 8th. Started for Marietta at 5 o'clock,
and travelled 9 miles to breakfast, when it came on
to rain. At 10 it held up, when we set off again, & at
1, P. M. arrived at Washington, where we dined. I
stayed there all the afternoon, striving to purchase a
horse which I could not obtain.

Thursday, 9th. Bargained with a Mr. Adams to
carry me & baggage to West Liberty, for which service
I paid $1. Were off at 6 o'clock. The boy who went
with me took turns with myself in riding the horse.
A very hot day. A part of it, a very heavy cloud

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 135

hung on over night, from which incessant thunder. We
in a wild region, not free from liability to surprise
from the Indians. We got over the ground as fast
as we could, but that was slowly. By 1 o'clock we
had arrived at Charles Well's, a fine plantation on
the Virginia side, the house & buildings 100 rods from
the Pennsylvania line. I was well tired when I got
there. The house is not a tavern, but I informed the
landlady of my condition, & told her she must recruit
me, which she did in good style. Soon the tempest we
had been watching came on, one cloud after another,
with sharp lightning & heavy thunder all the afternoon.
Here I lodged, and having changed my route from
West Liberty to Buffalo Greek discharged the boy with
the pony.

Friday, 10th. I am waiting here in expectation of
seeing Major Tyler who is going down the river tomor-
row, expecting to go with him. This Mr. Wells, at
whose house I am, has a fine plantation, a family of
twenty three souls, a pack of deer, large herds of cattle,
horses, hogs, & sheep, poultry of every kind; and
withal carries a considerable woolen & linen manufac-
tory. I took a violent cold last evening, which has
attacked me in different ways, viz. asthma, expectora-
tion, & a very sore mouth. I feel as if I had almost
lost my senses.

Saturday, 11th. A miserable night, the last. I set
off on a horse belonging to Mr. Wells, for the mouth
of the Buffalo, where I arrived when the sun was two
hours high. At Absa Wells' found a house full of
people, and as much noise as at Charles's where I
came from. I did not think much of my horse, though
he was caUed a famous one, nor of my riding equip-
ment. One stirrup leather was broken off, & I had to
carry it in my hand. After awhile the girt broke, &
I on a shying horse, with a pile of baggage, & a boy
behind me. Thus I rode on better than 4 miles, expect-

136 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

ing to be thrown every minute. However, by balancing
myself well, I made out to reach the destined place
without misfortune. On going to bed — ^which I did
early — ^found my bed was made of hen feathers, with
the ticking torn in places, yet I was so sleepy that I
thought I would venture it. In vain! my pipes were
soon choked up, but I tried not to stir till compelled
to. Was obliged to get up, & hurry to the window for
breath. Here I remained for nearly an hour, then
put on my cantsloper, took my saddle bags for a bol-
ster, wrapt a blanket about my feet, & laid dow;n on
the floor, at as great a distance from the bed as pos-
sible, & right under the open window. In this situa-
tion I continued to pull for life for near an hour, when
I felt a little relieved, & dropt asleep.

Sunday, 12th. Here I am waiting for a passage
down the Ohio to Marietta. Have a prospect of going
Tuesday morning with Major Tyler. Took a walk this
forenoon, something more than a mile to the mouth
of tlie creek. Here is a little town begun. There are
eight huts already built, & one pretty good house. The
country back from here somewhat settled. If the
people were industrious, the farms might be excellent.
Even as it is, there are some fine ones. Little trading
places are scattered all over this country, within 6 or
8 miles of each other. It has been very hot today,
rain & thunder at 1 o'clock, but without effect in cool-
ing the air. The copperhead snake is said to be numer-
ous in the country where I now am. Several killed
on this plantation yesterday. The Ohio extremely low,
but rising a little. Oh that I could have letters from
Boston I

Monday, July 13th. Felt uneasy at staying in this
place so long, & although it rained pretty hard, took
my baggage & went down to the mouth of the Buffalo.
Was obliged to cross the creek three times before
reaching its mouth.

«P

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 137

At this place is a small town, the begiimiiig of
which was made last year. There are eight small
houses built here on low gronnd, the people very poor.
I put my saddle bags and kentsloper into one of them,
& then went & sat down on bank of the Ohio, ruminat-
ing on the experiences of the summer. I had' been
there about an hour, when my ears were agreeably
alarmed by the sound of a drum & fife, at a distance.
Looking up the river, I perceived a large boat coming
down, loaded with a company of soldiers. When they
came opposite, I hailed them, & it proved to be Capt.
McCurdy, who invited me to take passage with him,
which offer I gladly accepted. At 12 o'clock, noon, I
embarked, and, with my new companions, gently glided
down the river. It being low in many places, the sol-
diers were obliged to jump out, & haul the boat over
the ripples.

Tuesday, 14th. Slept but little, owing to the inces-
sant noise made by the soldiers. With the help of oars,
we dropt down forty miles by 6 in the morning. Then
came to an anchor & breakfasted, and at 9 started
again, and by sunset had arrived at Fort Harmar. Be-
quested the officer of police to put me across the Mus-
kingmn, which he did; and thus I landed at the old
settlement. Found all my friends well & flourishing —
and as to others, they concern me very little.

The place is materially altered for the better, the
people high spirited & confident, but wanting, as I had
heard, in that community without which no wheels can
run smoothly, viz, cash. Soon after landing, I went
to the coffee house; procured me a good cup of coffee;
& after a while went to bed; not to sleep, however,
for a dog nearby made such a barking & howfling, &
I wlas attacked by such a host of fleas that sleeping
was impossible. Bose early, & strolled about the place.

Wednesday, 15th. Little comfort in bed. Arose at
3, & took a morning walk. Some of our people have

138 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

as fine gardens as I have ever seen, filled with good
things. The improvements to be seen on every hand
are really surprising. The fields covered with com,
wheat, flax, &c. The hillsides plentiful with herds,
game, &c. Dined today with Oen. Harmar.

Thursday, 16th. Breakfasted with Judge Parsons,
& spent two hours with Mm, discussing colony mat-
ters. Then walked to Major Sargent's gardens, where
I found everything growing luxuriantly, millet, mad-
der, rhubarb, rice, & cotton, besides a great variety
of kitchen stuff. Dined wdth the Major, and in the
evening again taken poorly. Perhaps, this last attack
owing to my mode of living while coming down the
Ohio river.

Friday, 17th. Had a poor night of it. Took a dose
of the jaundice elixir. Nibbled a little vegetables &
bacon with Billy Gridley. Moped about the most of
the day. At noon, died Mr. Joshua Cheever, he having,
three days agone, fallen from the bridge in Front st.
a distance of 35 ft. which broke his scull, & in fact
jammed him into a lump.

Saturday, 18th. Am better, thank God. The day
passed in reconnoitering the settlement. I find about
sixty good buildings ia the city, many of them quite
large & handsome. In all belonging to the settlement
at least 400 acres of com, as good as ever was seen,
which will undoubtedly produce 20000 bushels of grain.
To day the funeral of Mr. Cheever was held, & I at-
tended. The body was placed in a handsome black
walnut coffin. About 16 Freemasons attended, as
mourners. Two solemn tones were sung by a dioir,
and Mr. Storms (?) offered an excellent prayer.

Sunday, 19th. Attended publick worship, where we
had a very good performance by Mr. Storms (or
Story), on the death of young Cheever.

Monday, 20th July, 1789 (on a detached piece of
paper) . A beautifnl day. Wind S. W. The river ex-

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 139

tremely low. Dined off a buffalo fish of 16 lbs if^ight,
with fine yonng potatoes.

Tuesday, 21st. Clear, serene, middling warm
weather. Received a letter from my partners Breck
and Downer, to the effect that they had removed down
the Monongahela, & shonld await my retom at Pitts-
bnrg, which probably will be soon. Dined with Gen*
Harmar.

Wednesday, 22nd. Never wto finer weather, the air
like crystal, but the waters as low as can be. Spent
all the fore part of the day settling with Col. Battelle.
At 1|, P. M. crossed the Muskingom, & dined, in free
& easy fashion, with Major Donghty.

Thursday, 23d. Three long & tedions months have
rolled away since I left my home. Not a single line
have I had from Boston as yet. In all this time I have
done business at a loss, & the prospect for the future
is not cheering. A fire broke out at 9 o'clock this
morning, at the house of Oen. Tupper, which mi^t
have done mudi mischief, but happily it was extin-
gpiished, before it had spread very far. Dined with
Major Doughty in company; then crossed the river
at sunset, & made preparations to go up the Ohio.

Friday, 24th. At 9 o'clock this morning, in company
with Vanlear (?) Newport Torrey & four others started
up the river in two small canoes, & ascended by dint
of hard labor 27 miles by sunset, then encamped in
the open wilderness. On a bed of green leaves slept
well.

Saturday, 25th. At 4i under way. At 10 o'clock,
a hard gust, & a copious fall of raiu for one & half
hours. Then we went on again till 1 P. M. when we
were overtaken by another thunder storm, which lasted
two hours, which over, we stood up the river again,
& notwithstanding all hindrances, we came through
37 miles by sunset. Made our bivouac on the wet
ground, with nothing but my blanket to cover four
of us. Towards morning, it rained again.

140 Journal of CoL John May, of Boston, 1789.

Sunday, 26th. Neither rain nor ^^t gronnd pre-
vented my sleeping. Hard labor, hard fare & free
fresh air make a good soporific, and how much to be
preferred to your close rooms & feather beds. At 3
o'clock I got np, stiff & sore a little from the exertions
of yesterday, but willing to take the setting pole again,
— ^in order to be out of this wilderness, where roam
wild beasts & wilder men. We had reason to suppose
a party of the savages had seen us last night; and on
rising wje could hear the cocks crowing in different
places around us. This we took to be — ^which no doubt
it was — signals which the Indians were making to each
other. We started & kept on till 9 o'clock nearly, when
it came on to rain, which hindered us three hours. Not
one single rag of clothes or scrap of paper but was
wet through. The damage done by the wet to the bag-
gage would amount to several pounds, if reckoned up.
We arrived at Zane's, at Wheeling, when the sun was
half an hour high, tired, wet & mouldy. Here I must
tarry a day or two, dry, & put my baggage in order.

Monday, 27th. Slept soundly last night, & feel all
the better for it this morning. A beautiful day, & the
wish is strong to be a travelling, but must stop, & try
to save as much as I can of my baggage. At 5, P. M.
came on another severe gust, & it rained with great
force for three hours. After it cleared up I went to
bed.

Tuesday, 28th. Rose at 6, breakfasted at 8, and at
9 set off for Washington, mounted on as sorry a jade
as I ever bestrid, ugly, contrary, & heavy as a log. I
beat, banged, jerked bridle, & swore, but to little pur-
pose, till 5 o'clock in the afternoon, w^en I found a
sort of tavern, or whiskey house, where I stopt, having
travelled 18 miles, through a dreary wild, the most of
the way. Here I could wet my whistle, & procured
pork & cucumbers, whidi tasted wjell to a man half
famished as I was. By the time self & horse were

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 141

sufficiently refreshed, it was 6 o'clock, and a black clond
was rising in the West; bat 13 miles were still between
me & Washington. Accordingly, I did not think it best
to leave the harbor I had made in a hurry, & stopt there
all night. I crossed the Wheeling river thirteen times
today, which had risen last night 7 feet, and fell this
morning 3 feet ; but it is still very rapid. Several times
I had the water over the tops of my boots, & twice was
in imminent danger of being swept awlay in the current.

Wednesday, 29th. At 4 this morning mounted my
Bosinante, & after hard travelling reached Washing-
ton at half past 9; thence 7 miles to McC 's (un-
readable) town, where dined; thence to Col. NoePs ( t),
where I slept. Here most kindly entertained.

Thursday, 30th. The night was a rainy one, & the
weather did not clear till 9 o'clock. As soon as it
did, I was off for Pittsburg, where I arrived at 11
o'clock. But the boat was not there, although there
was plenty of water in the river to float her down.
My partners are of a heavier & less enterprising dis-
position than I am, that is certain; or they fear dan-
ger more, or love their ease better. Their neglect
to improve the opportunity appears to me inexcus-
able. At 2 o'clock in Markus Hulen's boat I shall
set out to find them. The strong current will be much
agaiQst me, but it would be favorable for them, bring-
ing them down at the rate of 7 miles an hour. Going
up stream, against wind & current we made only 7
miles in all. On stopping for the ni^t, w^ laid down
on the bottom of the boat, & slept soundly till morning.

Friday, 31st. The river rose 5 feet during the night;
& the current this morning extremely strong. At 4 we
set off; & went to Braddock's Field to breakfast;
thence to the mouth of the Yohogany in four hours.
There we found the boat, and my people very busy —
waiting for me. Made up my mind that as things are,
our plans all disconcerted, money so scarce, & as we

142 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

feel so differently, it is better to dissolve partaer-
shipy make a dividend of the merdiandise, & let each
one do with his share as he pleases. Laid the matter
before the others, & argaed the point with them, Dr.
Dowaier agreeing to the dissolution, while Mr. Breck
preferred that, so far as we two w^re conoemed, it
shonld continue.

Saturday, August 1st. AU day employed in wind-
ing up the affairs of the concenu Dr. Downer took
his dividend. It has been a very fatiguing day; but
I hope for rest tomorrow.

Sunday, 2nd. The Wind at the West. The river
falling as fast as it rose. Am afraid I shall get cau^t
again, though with the boat lightened of some part
of her load of goods & persons, I don't feel so ap-
prehensive as I should otherwise. Some part of the
day spent as it should be; the rest attending to mat-
ters that needed to be attended to, such as airing my
clothes, which were full of damp & mould, not hav-
ing been thoroughly dried from the soaking they got
on the Ohio river. For seven days have not missed
of having a hard shower. This watery world wearies
me.

Monday, 3rd. Rose at 4 o'clock, Mr. Downer's
things all put up by 9 o'clock, and at 10 they left us,
with their effects, bound up the river. I believe the
arrangements we have made are really the best. Had
our first plans not miscarried, we might have been
serviceable to each other ; but having nothing to do of
any account for nearly three months, we have only been
in each other's way. Spent the rest of the day in put-
ting things to rights.

Tuesday, 4th. On getting up this morning, went to
putting the boat in sailing order. Shall wait for a
passenger till 7 o'clock, & then shove off, — ^for Pitts-
burg. At 8, we were under way, & by great exertion,
without stopping but once (which wias by striking in

^P"

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 143

the ripples in the middle of the river) vre arrived at
the famous port of Pittshnrg at sunset. Here we staid
all nighty & fared pretty well.

Wednesday, 5th. Bemained the day at Pittsburg.
Sold to the amount of about $10, chiefly in shoes.
Do not expect to start till tomorrow, when I expect
to be escorted by Capt. Fergason's company of 50
men, at least to sail in their company. To day, at 4
o'clock, received a cordial that did me good, viz: a
letter from my dear partner in Boston, the first I have
received from her since I left home. Of itself an in-
estimable treasure, but it came wrapt in some sort
of delicate French paper. Did that enhance it's value f
Not at all, for who knows through what hands said
dainty paper had passed, or to what uses of folly &
vanity it had been applied? However, who cares for
the feathers of a bird, or the foul water it has drunk,
or the dirty seed it has eaten, if so be it brings glad
tidings t This bird wafted real delight to my thirsty
soul.

Thursday, 6th. It has been extremely hot all this
week, but today seemed almost beyond mortal endur-
ance. We have been waiting all day for company, in
fact we cannot go down the river without more help,
therefore must wait the motion of Capt. Ferguson.
The evening delightfully pleasant. The evening air
here is almost always cool. Am pestered with a sore
mouth, & am afraid it is scurvy, owing to the mode
of living.

Friday, 7th. At 4, P. M. we got under way, and
arrived at 12 o'clock at night at Big Beaver, 30 miles,
where We stopt, & slept the remainder of the night.
A party of Delaware & Seneca Indians were encamped
within a mile or two of us.

Saturday, 8th. At 4 o'clock, A. M. got under way
again; & after a rather toilsome day, arrived, at 1
o'clock at night, at Mingo Bottom, 45 miles. Much

144 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

rain today, with thunder & lightning. I kept the hehn
ten hours without intermission from Pitt to Little
Beaver.

Sunday, 9th. At 7 o'clock, A. M. left Mingo Bot-
tom, a settlement of five log huts, or cabins, & not
more than fifty acres of land cleared. Yet, small as the
settlement is, here is a store, with a very good assort-
ment of goods, to the value, as I suppose, of £1000.
The day is rainy & the wind ahead. At 11 o'clock, ar-
rived at the mouth of the Buffalo, where I must wait
one or two days for a Mr. Ludlow, w|ho has purchased
the boat. At 6 o 'clock, evening, there came on a violent
rain with wind & thunder, which lasted nearly tiiree
hours. I went to bed at 11 o'clock, having first seen
that our arms were in order, as w^ are now in an
enemy's country, and small handed.

Monday, 10th. A foggy, but very warm morning.
It has been extremely hot these five days. The people
now come on board in shoals, look at the goods, cheapen
everything, but buy nothing. In the evening, when
the sun was about an hour high, I went about a mile
up a steep hill, to the plantation of a Capt McManus
(or McMeans) to look at some farms. Staid to tea,
& was joiued at dusk by Mr. Ludlow*, who was ac-
quainted, he said, with tke^ roads throu^ the woods,
& would pilot me. I took him at his word, & w^ set
out, just about dusk, I on a little pack horse, & he on
foot. We had not gone more than a quarter of a
mile, before he lost the road. I told him it lay to the
right, but he insisted on its being to the left, and
stood right into the thickest part of the woods ; when,
after some distance traversed, wfe came to a rise of
land so steep as to be impassable for a footman, much
more for a horse. We then turned to the left again,
stiQ going out of the way. We were on Indian ground,
& the way as dark as pitch; & wie were continually
among thorns & briars, breaking our shins over old

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 145

logs & fallen trees, & tumbling into holes. My horse
fell three times. In fact we were beating about in
ntter uncertainty & bewilderment for more than two
hours ; and the sweat was pouring from every part of
my body. It is quite impossible to give any adequate
idea of our toil & perplexity. We got out of it, how-
ever, & came at last to the boat, where I pulled off my
clothes which were wet through w&th perspiration, coat
&all.

Tuesday, 11th. At half past 4 in the morning, we
cast off our boat for Wheeling. It is extremely hot.
Mr. Breck, the Doctor, Mr. Ludlow & myself to navi-
gate our ship of twenty tons burden. We had enough
to do for the space of nine hours, when wie arrived
safe at Wheeling, but thoroughly tired out. Thus after
toils & struggles innumerable, & hazards not a few,
during a period of three months & nineteen days, we
have got to where w:e mean to make a stand, & watch
for every chance to get our goods off our hands.

Wednesday, 12th. Employed in moving the goods
from the boat to the store which I have taken from
'Squire Zane, at $2 per month, & board at 8 shillings
a week. It was a work of difficulty, getting the things
up this very steep hill ; but by patience & perseverance
wfe accomplished it in eight hours.

Thursday, 13th. Opened store, and idle starers were
plenty. They would come, hang around for two hours
or more, but purchase nothing. We made out to take
but $10. Have made up my mind at length that, if
we would do anything, we must take deer skins, furs,
& ginseng in exchange for goods. The last article will
require great care in the management, in order to keep
it good. Seven days since I left Pitt, & have not eaten
3 oz of meat since I came away.

Friday, 14th. The weather still hot, intensely. I
never experienced eight days of heat more hard to
bear. At 10 o'clock in the morning. Col Sproat &

146 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

family stopt here, on their way to Marietta; and at
12 arrived Mr. Benjamin Zane from Sandusky, with
a considerable quantity of skins & fors. This Mr.
Zane, brother to my landlord, and now upwards of
forty years old, wlas made a prisoner by the Indians,
when he wHs a boy nine years old; & has lived amon^
them almost ever since. He married an Indian woman^
& has ei^t half-breed children, one of which was with
him. He still retains the English language, and is a
man of good manners, & of very considerable property.
Today we have had two smart showers, with the usual
accompaniment ; but the air seems all the hotter for it.

8aturda/y, 15th. Close almost to suffocation. The
frequent showers & the heat make vegetation to run
on ten thousand wheels. I am packing a small quantity
of goods to send down to Marietta, whidi will go in
charge of friend Breck. (Here follows a quite long
passage written in cypher.) Though no lack of people
in the store today, sold but little. The weather a trifle
cooler, & the river rising in a slight degree. '

Simday, 16th. Bose at 4 o'clock, & perused some old
newspapers from Philadelphia & Carlisle, one as late
as 29th July, but found nothing of any value to me.
Some part of the day employed in writing to my con-
jugal partner & others in Boston; some in wtiting to
Marietta; the rest more after the New England
fashion. Wrote in all eight letters.

Monday, 17th. Took two guineas from a traveller.
Employed in fitting out Guliehnus for Marietta with
$250 wiorth of goods. Hope he will do his best, & make
out well. In t\^o days the river has risen ten feet in «^

perpendicular height. Mr. Breck will have a delightful
trip down the Ohio, & will probably reach his port in
24 hours. I perish for lack of vision, which means
for me lack of letters.

Tuesday, 18th. Pleasant day, river rising, no boats
passing, consequently but little business.

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 147

Wednesday, 19th. Biver falliog as fast as it rose.
A beantiful day. Hangers on plenty. Oh that they
had cash to match their curiosity I

Thursday, 20th. Moon changes. This operated on
the feelings & movements of the women, & brought
them in shoals, not to hang round like their lords, but
to buy. Made between 5 & 6 £ cash from them ; & sent
them aw^y pleased with their bargains.

Friday, 21st. The river continuing to fall. I have
every day, morning & evening, to attend the Kentucky
boats which are passing. Have to go down ft come up
a hill as steep as our Beacon Hill in Boston. This
serves to keep my joints limber. Dull business today,
ft whenever that is the case the dumps acquire the as-
cendency. Strive as we may, there is a Power above us
that controls events. Fate holds the strings, ft men
Uke puppets move hither ft thither as they are led.
Success is from above.

Saturday, 22nd. Delightful weather, with a touch
of the September quality. A good days work, ft ac-
cordingly great refreshment of spirit. Have purchased
of different persons skins ft furs to the amount of 100£.
which has made me a busy day. A few such days would
set me at liberty. Mr. Breck away, I have to do every-
thing with my own hands. But I am not one of those
who are unhappy when alone. Expenses from Pigeon
creek to Marietta — ^Dar.

£" 5" d

Drought from last leaf of Journal 3" 6" 10

Paid at Wheeling 2 nights ft one day. . . .(/' 5"

Thence to Washington 0^ 4"

At Washington (/' 2"

McCannons .(/'!" 6

Col Neville's (T 2" 6

Duncan's Fort Pitt - (/' 2" 10

4" 4" 8

148 Journal of Col. John Map, of Boston, 1789.

Sunday, 23d. A warm day. Spent the chief part
of it in my store, where I was quiet & cooL Bead
more today, than I have any day since I left Boston.
Several little parties of amusement were made up, to
which I was mudi urged; hut I preferred to stay in
my own quarters ; for I am fond of the Sabhath, if I
am not one of its most rigorous observers.

Monday, 24th. A beautiful day, employed in taking
care of my peltry. Went to bed very tired, & slept *

soundly.

Tuesday, 25th. Fine clear weather, & but little to
do. The river now as low as when I came here. Have
just heard the iatelligence that the Indians have fired
on a party of soldiers & surveyors a little below the
great Kanawha river. They surprised them in the
gray of the morning, and out of nine killed seven.
Mathers (f) ft the corporal of the guard only escaped |

to tell the story.

Wednesday, 26th. Bain in the night, ft has been a
very rainy day from the N. E. This the only day rainy ^

throughout which I have seen since I came from home ;
and though much water has fallen, it is by no means
sudi a storm as we frequently have in New England.
I expect, however, we shall have a mighty swelling
of the Ohio, in a day or two, as it is the only great
artery that conducts the wiaters of a thousand streams,
big ft little, to the Mississippi, ft thence to the Ocean.

Thursday, 27th. It ceased to rain some time in the
night, ft the river has already begun to rise. Business
dull.

Friday, 28th. Great numbers collected here today, ^

women, men, ft boys, brim full of curiosity ft questions,
but wanting hi cash. From the thousand questions
asked me found the only escape was by answ:ering in
monosyllables. The result of this day's tedious labors
was only about $3.50. The weather good & clear, ft
the river, as respects rising, at a stand. (Here follows
a passage in cypher)

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 149

Saturday, 29th. A cloudy, disagreeable day. Wind
at N. N. E. Had but little business. Mr. Zane went
a hunting yesterday, & returned with, a fine deer. This
about the first fresh meat I have seen since I came
here, ft before that I seldom had any, so that my diet
has been pretty much salt meat. To this I attribute
a breaking out on my body in several places, with irri-
tation ft itching, a form perhaps of scurvy. Mr. Zane
raises more than a thousand bushels of com, besides
wheat, rye, oats, barley, rice, flax, &c. ; but, like others
in these parts, he neglects his garden, which is not
good for much, ft affords little or nothing. This year
he has cut upwards of 150 tons of hay, ft he must make
money very fast ; but he lives in a very poor way for
all that. This plantation is as much a frontier out-
post as Marietta, indeed more so, as there is nothing
separates it from the Indian wild, 200 miles in width,
and the whole stretch of the continent in extent. It
is only five years since this place was besieged by
more than five hundred of the savages; but they did
not succeed, and were not permitted to obtain posses-
sion of it. I now lay aside the pen to drink ** wives ft
sweethearts. ' '

Sunday, 30th. An exceedingly cold morning, enough
to make me shiver. Wind N. a little E. with show-
ers, almost cold enough for snow. Grew warmer
in the afternoon. Mounted my horse, & rode up the
river to Mr. Chapman's, over an exceeding muddy ft
hilly road, but in sight of the river all the way. Ate
a few peaches ft returned. Mr. Zane has nearly 900
peach trees on his plantation, a great part of which
hang as full as they can hold; but none of the fruit is
quite ripe as yet. He has given me an invitation to
pick as many as I please, ft I expect to have full swing
in a day or two. Mr. Br — ^n (unreadable) a young man
from Conigogig who has a store in one end of the
same building with mine generally goes with me once

Vol. XLV.— 11

150 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

a day to visit the orchards & fetch water from a beauti-
ful spring. On our return we generally take a drink
together just before dinner. This we stand in need of,
as we have nothing but water at dinner. Thou^
I am fully persuaded that two stores — ^as things are —
are more than half too mudi, that belief does not pre-
vent me from living with my next neighbor in great
harmony. At night, he sleeps up stairs, & I on the ^

lower floor, on a straw bed, with such bed covering
as my travelling baggage can furnish.

Monday, 31st, and the last of August, and, accord-
ingly, last day of summer. It is almost as cold as it
usually is the last day of Autumn. The people have
sat by the fire all the afternoon, & this evening I find it
decidedly comfortable. The people who live here pre-
tend to say, they never saw such weather before; but
I am of opinion, from observation, that take summer
& winter through, this climate does not average
warmer than the county of Suffolk in Massachusetts. ^

True rice grows here, & also madder & rhubarb, but,
on the other hand, their melons are no better than
ours. Bheumatism begins to pester me, owing perhaps
to these sudden changes of weather.

Tuesday, September 1st. Weather still cold. Great
probability of frost tonight. No boats seem to be mov-
ing up or down the river, & no business at the store ;
yet I dare not move for fear of losing chances. I am
holding Colly* by the tail.

Wednesday, 2nd. Cold still, with heavy flying clouds.
Some rain from the S. W. The river again quite low.

Thursday, 3rd. Fine weather. ^

Friday, 4th. I might as well stop this journal. Noth-
ing to enter upon it, but the same round of rising, eat-
ing three times a day, & sleeping at night.

Saturday, 5th. Middling warm. Several arrivals
from Muskingum. Some business usually comes in

*See note on page 132.

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 151

fhe wake of such, bnt not nmclL My landlord has a
fine lot of peaches. I am amusing myself with cutting,
drying, & making pickles from them. Have made a pot
of 5 gals of them, which shall distribute among the
ladies at Fort Harmar & Marietta.

Sunday, 6th. Fine pleasant weather. Have done a
great deal of writing, &, among other things, have been
over to the island. Oo to bed tired.

Monday, 7th. More arrivals from Marietta.

Tuesday, 8th. Nothing to do, nothing to say.

Wednesday, 9th. A delightful day. Have employed
myself in overhauling furs & skins, & in picking, cut-
ting, & drying peaches. Put some into the N. E. spirit
to give it a flavor. Tomorrow I propose to put up a
pot of this kind of pickles for Madam Harmar, &
another for Madam Battelle. Though there is such a
superabundance of peaches, I cannot bear to see them
wasted.

Tuesday, lOth. Will, to amuse & occupy myself,
write out a few Remarks on my Expedition & the Sea-
son of 1789.

Left Boston on the 23d April. Had an agreeable
time at Baltimore where I found the goods in excel-
lent order. But here an unlucky & unexpected event
occurred. I was obliged to pay better than £30^ duty
on merchandise brought, or else leave it behind. I
felt this to be hard luck, as it deprived me of travelling
money. Flour, at the time, came to a quick market in
Baltimore, & so high the price, that the wagoners chose
rather to bring flour there than to engage to go over
the mountains. This made it next to impossible to
procure wagons to answer our purpose. At length,
however, I succeeded in engaging some to take our
goods about 90 miles to Shippensburg, where we stored
them. From there made several rides round the neigh-
borhood, seeking for help, ft finally made a bargain
with one Daniel Elliott to transport the goods to Fort

152 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

Pitt, or Bedstone; bnt when the time came, he did
not appear, bnt sent word he conld not perform ac-
cording to promise. Breck ft myself were at that time
npward of one hnndred miles off, and Downer was
obliged to make a new contract. This made a delay
of ten days, bnt finally the wagons came on, & were
advanced within 4 miles of Bedstone, when a terrible
tornado laid prostrate the forests right in the line of
onr march, cutting a path fonr miles wide. This
proved a barrier impenetrable for the time ; and, after
reconnoitering ft consulting nearly a whole day, we
ordered the wagons down to Little Bedstone, a small
creek that empties into the Monongahela, five miles
below Bedstone Old Fort.

Here we put onr goods into a deserted cabin-, within
a ^ mile of the river. The next day the Doctor & I
went through the scene of devastation to Sam. Jack-
son's, a distance of four miles, ft here bou^t a Ken*
tuck boat, which was brought down the next Monday ;
and on Tuesday put our goods on board, opened store
& did business. All this while the river was falling,
ft we dropt out at the mouth of the creek. The next
day we heard of the great depreciation in ginseng, which
was bringing total confusion to our former plans. We
thought it absolutely necessary to wait for confirma^
tion of the news, which we did, giving out that the
river was too low to admit of our going down. I did
not want the inhabitants, who are very inquisitive, to
be precisely informed of the state of our affairs. How-
ever, in point of fact, the river did get so low in a
few days that it was imi>ossible for a boat as big as
ours to go over the ripples. This continued a long
time, and after being confined upward of 30 days to
the Monongahela, & after the disagreeable news in re-
gard to ginseng was also confirmed, I formed the plan
of exploring the country that lay betwixt us & Muskin-
gum, with the imderstanding with my partners that

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 153

fhe boat should come down the river, if the waters
arose in my absence. On Wednesday, the 8th of July

1 set out by land ft on foot, ft reached Washington at

2 o'clock, and here spent the afternoon ft night. There
is a number of stores in this little place, as it is a
county town & centre — all between a number of rivers.
I critically observed the manner of trade here, ft came
to the conclusion that it would not answer to bring
our goods to the place. The next morning, I stood
for the mouth of the Buffalo, ft reached it by sunset.
Here is a little town a building right at the confluence
of the creek with the Ohio. The beginning only was
made this spring, ft nine houses of good size have been
erected. In time it will be a good place for trade. I
remained here a day or two, waiting for a passage
down the river, & meantime got acquainted with a
number of stout, wealthy farmers that live back from
the river some 7 or 8 miles, ft raise a good deal of
produce. These men, as time rolls on, ft the place
grows, will be of consequence to the little town. I
was strongly inclined to bring some or all the goods
to this place, but other counsels prevailed. I procured
a passage down the river to the place whither I was
most strongly drawn, viz, Muskingum; but there
found, as I feared would be, a condition of things by
no means encouraging: they wanted everything, but
had little or nothing to pay for it with, so tiiat I durst
not venture to come here, in the fear that they would
prevail on me against myself, ft that I should let them
have the goods without pay. Here I remark that Ken-
tucky is, according to report, filled with merchants who
cannot dispose of their goods, as the dealing medium
of exchange ginseng has utterly depreciated. Those
who ought to know say, that there are ten traders there
where there was but one last summer. And it seems
to be a prevailing opinion that two thirds of the traders
referred to will be ruined by this summer's business.

154 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

The quandary nms very disagreeable & embarrass-
ing. To stay with, effects in the Monongahela, or to
take a store on either of its banks would not do; for
it would not be possible to vend the goods till winter,
ft then only by receiving produce, which could not be
disposed of until the following spring or summer, nor,
perhaps, without going to New Orleans. As to go to
Kentucky was going farther from home, with no cor-
responding improvement in the prospect, ft as to go
to Muskingum was to encounter the risk of being
cozened out of the whole; I bent my mind seriously
on Wheeling, ft decided with myself that that was the
place for our concern to go to. Having made up my
mind to that, I did not let "grass grow on my tracks,*'
but settled business at Marietta with all expedition, ft
turned face up the river.

Arrived at Zane's Sunday, 26th July, in a deplorable
condition. Stayed two days to clean up, ft dry clothes
ft papers ; ft had great reason to expect the boat would
be down, as the river had risen not a little. However,
no such thing. Perhaps through feeling themselves
very comfortable ; perhaps because they did not care
to encounter the hazards which beset all enterprises
here just now, ft run the risk of being plundered, or
murdered even, by the Indians; my partners did not
choose to quit tiie waters of the Monongahela. Having
hired a store of Mr. Zane, I set off in quest of the boat.
Went by land to Pittsburg, a distance of 60 miles, ft
then by water up the Monongahela, 21 miles, against
a powerful current. At the mouth of the Yohogany
I found the boat lying, and I must say with a feeling
of no little vexation. Here I had been near a month
beating about, exposed to hardships of one sort ft
another, heat, thunder storms, drendiings, loss of way
in the forests, camping out on the wet ground, ftc.;
ft here they were taking it easy, making no use of op-
portunity, ft, with all their comforts about them, seem-

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 155

ingly content bo to stay. Here I had toiled np to them,
while there was nothing to prevent their drifting down
to where I was— if they had so chosen. That I diaf ed
inwardly there is no denying. I resolved to keep my
feelings to myself, if I could ; but to propose a breaking
np of the concern. I reported the state of the conn-
try, & the difficulty, if not impossibility, of disposing
of the goods to advantage, & proposed a dissolution
of the partnership. Dr. Downer assented, said he
would take his quota of the goods, ft do the best he
could for himself; but Mr. Breck did not care to ven-
ture himself alone, but preferred to continue the co-
partnery. The next day, the old concern broken up,
& Dr. Downer having received his share, the boat was
dropt down the river. We stopt three days at Pitt>
one night at Big Beaver, ft one day & two nights at
Buffalo, & at 12, noon, on the 11th August, arrived
safely at Wheeling. Next day unloaded the big boat,
ft put up the goods in the store. The situation is a
pleasant & agreeable one ; the store a new one, high on
the bank of the Ohio, with a beautiful island, three
miles long, stretching directly in front. From the new
store, there is a delightful prospect, not only of this
island, but a view also of two miles down the river.
We are 96 miles from Pitt, 84 from Marietta, ft 31
from Washington. Here the boats going either to or
from the settlements, either above or below, always
stop; here I am handy to the farmers; & here I can
watch the markets at Marietta^ & send them such sup-
plies as are needed.

After a while it appeared advisable that friend
Breck should take a trip to Muskingum, carrying goods
with him for sale, sudi as he might hope to dispose
of to advantage. Accordingly, on Monday, 17th Au-
gust, he set off with goods to the amount of £75, law-
ful currency. Information received from him, from

156 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

time to time, will be very valuable. He may stay there,
possibly, until we begin to think of going home.

Friday, 11th. Fine weather, the river low, & busi-
ness continues dull.

Saturday, 12th. Warm & lowery. Have pickled 5
gallons of the best & largest peaches my eyes ever
beheld. It takes only three of them to weigh a pound.
Picked them all with my own hand, & took none but
those which seemed to be the very best. The pickles
I mean to send to Mrs. Harmar, Mrs. Battelle, Mrs.
Zieglar. They will furnish something of a variety
to them. Have also cut & dried a bushel of elegant
peaches to put into the spirit to ^ve it a flavor.

Sunday, 13th. A cool & agreeable day. Begins to
look & feel like autumn. Feel the approaches of age
as the days, months ft years roll away. Think I am
endeavoring to do my duty, yet I sometimes have my
doubts whether I am not wrong in leaving my young
family for so long a time. A higher powier directs in
these matters more than we do. The want of intelli-
gence from home makes the time pass very heavily;
and a breaking out all over torments me sadly, ft I
am dosing to try to be rid of it (Here quite a long pas-
sage in cypher).

Monday, 14th. Fine Fall weather.

Tuesday, 15th. Weather same as yesterday. How
this breaMng out does spread 1 Began about eight days
ago with one large pimple on my back, the next day
2, the next 4, then 8, 16, 32, 64, 128, ft so on in geo-
metrical ratio. Ossa will be piled up on Pelion, if I
don't find out some way to prevent their increase.
Have taken 2 oz. glauber salts, am now taking medi-
camentum. Exposure, wilderness fare, & the Lord
knows what company I have been in. I cannot explain
it in any other way.

Wednesday, 16th. A fine day ft all that.

Thursday, 17th. ditto. Did considerable business,

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 157

chiefly loading two floats down the river, Benjamin
Hnlen^s ft Jacob Fowler's, both bound for the Big
Kenawba,

Friday, 18th. Awoke as usual just at the break of
day. Heard talking out doors, supposed it might be
strangers just arrived; and immediately arose, ft
dressed myself. Found people waiting for me. Pur-
diased forty deer skins, & had them in my store before
sunrise, a transaction which restored me a great deal
to a better feeling. This while Br — ^n, who hangs about
me like my shadow, was snoring in the other part
of the building. I diuckled not a little, picturing to
myself his astonishment wftien he would see the skins.
Today Mr. John White came down the river. With
him I traded to the amount of $25, and sent friend
William (Breck) at Muskingum about £40 worth of
goods.

Saturday, 19th. As heavy a fog as ever I saw. The
clouds came down & rested upon us until 10 o'clock,
when it cleared up into a fine day.

Sunday, 20th. This morning as foggy as yesterday.
Employed, by myself, as usual, in the store, reading
some, writing more. Since leaving Boston I have
not slept one wink by daylight; therefor can accuse
myself of no waste of time in that fashion, — as the
way of some is, who feel themselves at leisure.

Monday, 21st. Foggy morning, but fine clear day,
the sun very hot. We have had no rain for fourteen
days. The Ohio lower than ever known; can be forded
in many places. This gives great opportunity for the
savages to cross over ft do mischief, which has been
frequent this summer. According to the best compu-
tation I can make, the Indians have killed in various
places about fifty men ft women, taken a number of
prisoners, ft carried off many horses.

Tuesday, 22nd. Still foggy in the early morning,
but excellent clear weather when the fog has disap-

158 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

peared. BasinesB dull, ft not much, for me to do but
to watch the progress of affairs on the surface of my
body. The first settlement made, there was speedily
a separation into two families; ft they soon began to
emigrate ft settle in different parts of the body; ft
these again to send out newt colonies, tOl in fact they
seem to have taken up all the ground, excepting some
few necks ft peninsulars. I am now recruiting forces
to make a combined attack on them, with '^ horse foot
& dragoons.''

Wednesday, 23d. This day five months I left home
little knowing what a painful experience was before
me. Happy for mankind that they are not permitted
to look into futurity, or scan the mighty maze through
whidi we have to pass in the course of this life. It
wx)uld paralyze the efforts of many, ft beget indolence
ft idleness. Instead of attempting great projects, de-
manding courage ft enterprise, they would settle down
into utter sloth & supineness. When they are led on
from one thing to another, & know not tiie end until
they come right upon it (ft then perhaps in some form
wholly unexpected) they are receiviag good they did
not imagine, & doing good, perhaps, in shapes that did
not enter into their plans. Much self-knowledge is
gained in the process, that is certain ; ft' much brought
about, possibly, that other times & generations will
feel the benefit of. Sometimes, when men attain to
riches ft honor, it cannot be attributed to their superior
skill or knowledge ; but their success must be set dowb
to what we call, for want of a better name, Good For-
tune. I have had a tolerable share of favors from luck,
but this year it is against me. But old Job— whose con-
dition by the way was not unlike mine — ^has put it much
better than I have, ^^Whatf shall we receive good at
the hand of (Jod, ft shall we not receive evil.''f

Thursday, 24th. Fine dry weather, but not much
business. In the evening arrived Dr. Downer, with

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 159

others from the South East. These Yankees certainly
are not a qniet people, like the folks 'round here. One
of them, in a very little time, will make more noise
than ten Kohees. Was np till 12 o'clock at night writ-
ing letters to Muskingom, so as to send back the boat
early in the morning.

Friday, 25th. (Written for the most part in cypher,
ending with ^^ wearisome ni^ts are appointed nnto
me.")

Saturday, 26th. Bose early, & feel wretchedly. Hav-
ing no assistance, am obliged to keep about, and do
what little business I can. Wrote several letters to
Muskingum, & had a chance to send them in the eve-
ning.

Sunday, 27th. Feel no better. Where the devil did
this accursed Scotch Irish itch come fromf I do be-
lieve I have it ; but how I caught it there is no telling.
To be sure there was company enough, & of all sorts
too. Pandora, with her general assortment of plagues,
must have been in her worst mood when she poured
out this torment on mankind. How to get rid of it
must be the question now. Scratching, with interludes
of reading, has been the business of the day. (Here
cypher.)

Monday, 28th. Slept none, and the day unspeakably
wretched ; but a great & unexpected relief came about
12 o'clock, viz. letters from Boston. These did real
service, & were worth more to me than half a druggists
stock in trade. ^^As cold waters to a thirsty soul, so is
good news from a far country." The river presents a
true resemblance to the ups ft downs of this mortal
life. It is now very low, ft even little boys can wade
across it, in places. Looking at the river, I read a
commentary on my own course of life. Although I have
never risen so high as some have, so, on the other hand,
I have not fallen so low as others. My pilgrimage has
been a very checkered one. In very truth I must say, I

160 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

have experienced pangs of bitter vro^ in these two years
past; bnt quoth Sam. Johnson, in lines I remember to
have read somewhere,

"By woe, the soul to daring action BweHs,
By woe in plaintless patience it ezoells;
From patience, prudence, clear experience springs,
And traces knowledge tliro^ the course of things:
Thence hope is formed, thence fortitude^ suooees,
Renown, — whate'er men covet k caress.''

This afternoon some road makers were driven in
by a party of Indians, how large I know not. These
inroads are not infrequent, so common in fact that we
think but little of them, perhaps not nearly so much
as we should. I am generally prepared for them, with
two pistols and two guns, properly loaded, besides a
tomahawk at the head of my bed.

Tuesday, 29th. Nights as restless as ever, & I drag
through my days heavily. Make out to do some busi-
ness. Have taken in today several little parcels of
sang (ginseng), bought 32 fox &i wild-cat skins, re-
ceivel a canoe load of flour, whiskey, &c, &c.

Wednesday, 30th. Remarkably fine weather. The
bottom of the river almost bare. The Indians, in sev-
eral places, murdering, scalping, plundering.

Thursday, October 1st. A cold raw morning, & grow-
ing colder every day. Snow squalls in the course of
the day. My landlord & several others gone a hunt-
ing. The Indians killed eight men, tiiree days ago,
at a little distance from this place. The next
day, they killed or carried off into captivity four fami-
lies. As I always sleep by myself in a lone log-store,
I keep my arms constantly in good order. Tonight
I shall load these arms, two with buck shot, and a ball
in the other, besides my pistols which I lay at the
head of the bed. If the yellow devils come, I intend
to give them a proper blazing.

Friday, 2nd. No Indians last night, but a very heavy

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 161

frost, ice in many places, in fact winter seems to be
close at hand.

Saturday, 3rd. This morning, my landlord came
home, bringing with him the carcases of seven fine deer,
some of them as fat as mutton. We shall live now on
venison instead of bacon. A very cold, raw & lowery
day ; but one of the best days for business have had yet.
Have taken in near 200 lbs of ginseng, 70 odd deer
skins & bear skins, to the amount of upwards of £25,
and delivered out the pay in goods, without help from
any body; & this just what I like.

Stmday, 4th. A cold uncomfortable day. There
have been severe frosts for three nights, and the days
have also been cold. A Mr. Jones, a baptist preacher
from near Philadelphia, came here last ni^t, &
preached today. I heard him all day. He is more than
a middling preacher, & an agreeable companion to
boot. This is the second time I have heard preaching
since I left Boston. Although there is a holding forth
every Tuesday by preachers of a certain stamp ; whose
yelling as if they would split their throats & damna-
tion doctrine disgust me entirely. I can hear them
well enough, if I have a mind to, without leaving tiie
store.

Monday, 5th. The weather warmer. The river
shrunk almost to nothing. Business dull, so am I.

Tuesday, 6th. Bose at 5, determined to mope no
longer. Took my gon, & was over the hill just as the
sun rose. Spied two fine turkeys at roost on a very
high tree, fired at them with 13 buck shot, & killed
them both. Was back home again when the sun was
an hour high, & felt quite elated. Took in consider-
able sang (ginseng) & that about all.

Wednesday, 7th. A fine pleasant day. My skin
troubles much abated. Have been hard at work all
day handling sang. Have striven not a little to buy
2000 lbs of sang from a Kentucky Dutchman, but he

162 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

was solicitation proof; but I am determined to go at
him again. Never since I became an inhabitant of this
wicked world have I striven harder about business mat-
ters than during the last six months. I laid my plans,
& was determined, if mortal ability would suffice, to
execute them; but I have been baffled in every way.
I have no idea of giving out. I had about as Uef die
as return defeated.

Thursday, 8th. Bainy morning, but a fine day.
Eiver beginning to rise, but slowly. Have been play-
ing out my best cards to the Dutdmian, but have not
trumped him yet. Have kept his skin full, which is
the way to deal with men of his kidney, & tried to pre-
vent correspondence on his part with the many packers
who come here for cargoes, lest he should send off his
sang elsewhere.

Friday, 9th. Have had a good share of custom to-
day, taken near a hundred weight of sang, by driblets,
also some peltry. My Dutchman still holds out. Dur-
ing the night considerable rain with thunder.

Saturday, 10th. After some manoeuvring, march-
ing & counter-marching, attacks & feints, the bargain
completed, my Dutchman capitulated; & was allowed
to march out with all the honors of War. Closed the
bargain with him for 1700 lbs. sang. Had to employ
all my tactics, however; for two other men, as I have
since found out, were working against me all the time.
Whether this be a fortunate or an unfortunate pur-
chase time must determine. It will at any rate take
off some of my goods, & so far is a stroke towards
deliverance & freedom. My unsold goods I must leave
behind, or sacrifice.

Sunday, 11th. Improved the day as it ought to be
spent.

Monday, 12th. Bose early, & went to business. The
more fuss & bluster a man makes, in business as in
other matters, the more credit he gets with some folks.

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 163

Most keep the drams a-beating & the colors a-flyingy
^whatever I may think of the state of affairs in the
camp. If I fail — ^thank the Lord I can say that — ^it
will not be for want of effort on my part. Sure am I,
I do more business in a day than neighbor Br— n in a
month.

This morning a passenger down the river gave in-
formation of two lads, respectively 10 & 12 years of
age, by name Johnstone, taken prisoners by two In-
dians in the Christian dress & wearing beaver hats.
These Indians hung 'round till almost night, looking
for horses, but finding none retired into the wilder-
ness about 6 miles, taking the boys with them ; & there,
maldng a fire, laid down to sleep, each Indian having
a boy on his arm. The boys, of course, did not rest
quiet, but when they thought the Indians soimd asleep,
slipped down towards the fire. There they concerted
a plan of killing the Indians, & escaping. The eldest
took the lead. He seized one of the rifles, aimed it
at the head of one of the Indians, & then passed it into
fhe hands of his younger brother, enjoining him to
fire when he saw him, the elder, strike the tomahawk
into the head of the other savage. This was completed,
according to the plan, the boys got safe away, &, com-
ing back, informed the inhabitants that they heard
their captors say, there were fifty warriors lurking
'round, about 25 miles off. This roused the people in
alarm.

Tuesday, 13th. An uncomfortable day. A number
of the stoutest & bravest men mustering to go on a
hunt after the Indians made a considerable parade.

Our braves returned having found one of the In-
dians dead, but the other, with a ghastly wound, only
half dead. He looked so horribly, they dared not go
near him, but let him escape.

Thursday, 15th. A rainy day.

Friday, 16th. Rose early, took my gun, & was off

164 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

on another stroll for game. Was in Inck again, killed
three tnrkeys, & was back a little after sunrise. We
have had a spell of snowing for fonr days, but little
rain however. The river so low that there is no pass-
ing excepting in canoes. The snn has been scaroely
seen for four days.

Saturday, 17th. Bose at day break, having been
awake three hours, took my gun, & went into the woods.
Kept a good lookout for Indians, but a better for tur-
keys. Killed four stout fellows, and wounded a fifth,
whidi I chased till I was thoroughly blown; then
turned & left him. Took the four dead ones, & came
home, & found, by the time I got there, that I did not
want the fifth, as I was wiell tired carrying the four.
This hunting has become an old affair, and, as the
charm is worn off, I believe I shall hunt no more.
What I have done was doxie on principle, viz — ^to cir-
culate the blood.

Sunday, 18th. Cloudy, raw, & cold. I am hanker-
ing to see the sun, also am desirous for Mr. Breck's
return. I urged him to be here by the 15th inst. Ten
days ago he wrote me on business matters, & the same
day I had written to him he wrote to me. I trust he
will see the necessity, now, at this part of the season,
to be a^stirring.

Monday, 19th. Bose early, ft have been full of busi-
ness. Wheels & machinery well in motion now. Out
of the twenty-four hours did not spend more than half
an hour in eating. The rest of the time exerted every
faculty and every limb. I trust I have now averted a
defeat. I have a plan laid which if I can accomplish
win throw me well ahead. My practice is, generally,
to write till 11, & sometimes till 12 o'clock, at night;
so that in fact I am in business eighteen hours out of
the twenty-four. My last business is to write in this
journal; and, consequently, under the circumstances,
it cannot always be very correct. It will show one

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 165

thing at least, that, whatever I may have around me,
I go to bed sober.

Tuesday, 20th. A busy day. Have a sore throat,
& the middle finger of my right hand is much jammed.
I can spare neither the finger, nor the organ of speech.
Letters from Boston received by Walcutt.

Wednesday, 21st. Am using the day packing sang
& putting casks in order. Wagon load of salt of John
McCall, at 21/ per bushel, & shall load him back to-
morrow. This the third wagon which has been here
since it was settled. As to the Indians, they keep lurk-
ing 'round us. Some days two, & others three, are
seen lurking about, — spies no doubt. As I sleep in a
lone building, I keep my arms all loaded, near at hand,
& ready to use at any moment.

Thursday, 22nd. Rose very early, & by 10 o'clock
had loaded & sent away John McCall with seven large
casks of ginseng & ten bundles of deer skins & furs.
The whole weight 2000 lbs. I am to pay him £16
Penn' money or 12"16 L. M. (lawful money?) His
wagon loaded full. Mr. Breck not arrived. What sang
I have taken is very good, but the people were loath
to dig it at 1/6, and I would not take it if dug before
the first of September. In 15 days from that time,
there came a frost & rain, which knocked it all down,
so that the diggers had only 15 days to work in. Some
years it is good to gather till the middle of November.
If it had been so this year it would have made some
thousand weight difference in our favor.

Friday, 23d. A fine pleasant day, but I believe a
weather breeder, for I feel wofuUy; head, heart &
hands are all weary, and not being crowded with busi-
ness I have had time & chance to find it out. This tak-
ing in & properly securing & packing deer skins, furs,
sang, &c, is wearisome business for one pair of hands.
In the space of one month I have taken in upward
2800 lbs sang, some of it quite green (this I have 3

Vol. XLV.— 12

166 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

for 1) & most of it wants smming two, three, or four
days, and, on account of showers sometimes, mnst be
taken in three or four times a day. I have also taken
about 1400 lbs of deer skins & furs. These also must
be aired & packed in the nicest order. These all paid
for in goods, & an account must be kept of all that
goes out & all that comes in, which I have done in
proper form. I sometimes write six, seven, or eight
letters a day, never less than three. Besides which
write in my journal every day. Have used up two boxes
of wafers since I came from home. Certain it is I spend
no idle time until 11 or 12 o'clock at night, then, some-
times, sleeping as I do in a lone house, I spend an
hour or so in meditation. But I will not complain of
my lot; for was I not, like the rest of my race, bom
to care & toil? Whither can I flee from the hurry of
business, or whither shall I go from anxiety & caref
If I go to the Western waters, behold it is there; if
I return to Boston, lo it is there; if I take the wings
of a ship, & escape to the uttermost parts of the sea,
even there shall its hand lead me, & its right hand shaU
hold possession of me. So, on tiie whole, it is best to
keep on doing our duty, not fretting with what can-
not be helped, & seeking to be content with what is
allotted to us. However, it is much easier to talk
or write about resignation than to practise it.

Saturday, 24th. This may be called a rainy day,
the second I have seen since leaving Boston. These
heavy, continuous rains, while they injure the roads,
help the rivers, & mightily the poor travellers im-
prisoned at Bedstone, in number upwards of 500 per-
sons, many of whom have been detained there two
months or more. Such will have reason to sing for
joy. So rainy I have done no business, except to
write twk> letters & post books, both by candle light.

Sunday, 25th. Late in the last evening, arrived two
boats from Marietta. I saw them two miles off, &

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 167

knew ihem at once. Hoi)ed Mr. Breck might be in one
of them, bnty Tery much to my disappointment, he was
not. In one of the boats came as passenger a Mrs.
Bilderback, who with her hnsband was taken by the
savages at Short Creek, 8 miles from here, early in
last Jnly. The day after she was taken she was separ-
ated from her hnsband, & committed to the care of
one Indian, who travelled with her alone fifteen days.
When the rest of the band joined them, they had killed
her hnsband, & bronght his clothes to her, & showed
them as a trophy. She was carried back into the wil-
derness to many of the Indian towns, & thence to the
Miamis, where she w^as released. She is a yonng
woman of abont twenty-three years of age ; & left be-
hind her two children, one of which was a nnrsing
child. When she went away from this place, I gave
her calico enongh to make slips for her children. These
Kentnck fellows give me some annoyance. I went to
my store on some little piece of business, when a num-
ber of them crowded in, drank & noisy, and I conld
not get rid of them for two hours. I was obliged to
pick a quarrel with one of them, & push him out.
Where is Ben Hulen, with my mare and saddle? (Pas-
sage obliterated)

Monday, 26th. Lowery, cold weather, & but little
a doing. Mr. Breck has not come, & I am weary wait-
ing for him.

Tuesday, 27th. Tolerable weather. The river risen
a very little. I went out in the morning, & shot two
turkeys. In the evening — ^to my no small relief — Mr.
Breck arrived.

Wednesday, 28th. Have been busy all day talking
over matters & things with my partner. I am trying
to persuade Mr. Breck to buy all the stock remaining
on hand. Have inventoried the whole, & now make
him an offer of a beaver hat & suit of broad-cloth
clothes, if he will say what he will give & take. How-

168 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

ever, he is very different in temperament from my-
self, & moves slowly. I shall not know anything about
it tUl he has chewed the cud upon it awhile, in the
morning, perhaps, after he has slept upon it.

Thursday, 29th. A rainy day. After breakfast Mr.
Breck announced that he had concluded to take the hat
& 'clothes & set a price. This suits me exactly; & he
agrees to give £190 for the stock. He has my note
for the hat & clothes.

Friday, 30th. Employed in settling accounts, & ar-
ranging matters with Mr. Breck, packing sang, deer
skins, &c. The river risen 6 feet. A Mr.* Woodbridge,
with a young family, from Norwich (Connecticut), ar-
rived here, this evening, bound for Marietta.

Saturday, 31st. Closed matters with Mr. Breck. As-
sisted in fitting out Mr. Woodbridge. About sunset,
Mr. Parsons arrived from Fort Pitt, & brought a bud-
get of letters, the postage 7/, one of them dated as
early as July, & others as late as 4th October.

Sunday, November 1st. Feeling somewhat at leisure,
I put on my ruffled shirt and best clothes, whidi I
have not done before since I came here, & went up the
river, two miles, in a canoe, to visit a Mr. Martin &
lady, who live on the Indian shore. We dined on veni-
son, com pork, & plenty of roots & vegetables. This
Mr. Martin married a daughter of my landlord, some
time ago, & went on to Ihe place where he is now
living, this Spring. He has a fine family already, has
built a house, raised ten acres of com, put in ten acres
of wheat, & withal added another baby to the family.
If people out here — such is the fertility of the soU,
& such the abundance of good things — can manage to
build them a log-hut near some good spring of water,
& plant them a little land with com, they are rich
enough. The woods will furnish them with plenty of

* This may be Mrs. It is difficult to make out whether tiie writer
intended to write Mr. or Mrs.

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 169

superfluities. Turkey are mudi more numerous here
than in our country, & as yet much fewer i)eople to
eat them.

Monday, 2nd. Spent this day in bargaining with
Mr. Breck relative to the homeward bound goods, &
finally closed with him.

Tuesday, 3rd. Busy in settling accounts with my
old customers all 'round, arranging matters with my
late partner, &c. &c.

Wednesday, 4th. Bode out seven miles to see a
Mr. Hall, who is to carry my things over the mountains
at 15/ per hundred. I suffered severely from cold.
It snowed all the fore part of the day, & the snow
lay on the mountains four inches thick.

Thursday, 5th. Another cold day. But I had busi-
ness enough to keep me W;arm, dispatching my skins
& sang, (14 horse loads) weight about 2900 lbs. This
carried on horses 250 miles. Each horse has a bell, &
there is a driver to every five horses. Tomorrow I set
my face towards home.

Friday, 6th. Spent the fore part of the day in writ-
ing letters to Muskingum, packing my clothes, &c.
Dined at 2 o'clock. At 3 left Wheeling, without com-
pany, to traverse the woods to West Liberty, a distance
of 12 miles. After laboring with extremely bad roads,
& crossing the creek seventeen times, I at length
reached the place at 6 o'clock, without any accident
except losing my spur. I look upon this 12 miles as
being as good ps a day's work, after having gone
through all the ceremonies of quitting my old habita-
tion & connexion.

Saturday, 7th. Bose at day break, & sallied forth
to look up a spur somewhere; but to no purpose. It
turned out a rainy day. I am afraid I shall have to
wait till tomorrow for the packers; & having started
homewards, feel a little impatient. Besides I have a
visit or two to make at the moutii of the Buffalo; &

170 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

probably shall go to Fort Pitt before I begin in earnest
to dimb the mountains.

Sunday, 8th. Bained all day, yesterday, and as black
an evening as ever I saw. My packers not come, there-
fore I spent Sunday at Major Sprig ^s at West Liberty,
This a good publick house in a pretty little village,
only two years old, the seat of Justice for Ohio county.
It contains upward of thirty dwelling houses, most of
which are taverns. Late at night the weather cleared
up, at 12 o'clock, & today is very pleasant.

Monday, 9th. Left my bed at 2 o'clock, A. M. called
up the host, and it being a fine, bright, moonshining
morning, assisted the packmen for some time. Took
breakfast, and at 5 o'clock set off for Washington, in
company with the packers. We had eighteen horses
loaded, & five men who took care of them, each man
having a horse. There were two other men besides
myself. So that in the troop there were twenty-six
horses, & eight men, — a small number. I travelled with
them only two hours. They moved so slowly, & made
such a confusion, that I was glad to be quit of them,
& to start off Hirough the wilderness alone. Traversed
most intricate paths, through mud often up to the
horse's belly. However, I made out to reach Wash-
ington in ten hours, a distance of 21 miles. In that
distance was quite lost three times. I am fairly tired,
& so is my little rockaway, for it has been very warm,
We both of us have sweated like rain. I mean to tarry
at this place till the packers come up.

Tuesday, 10th. In the course of four days, I have
made out, with great industry, to get 51 miles from
Wheeling. Saturday I didn't ride, it being rainy; but
studied, which shakes up one's brains quite as much
as the riding does the rest of the body. At 7 o'clock,
last evening, my packers arrived, having passed the
wilderness of 21 miles.

Wednesday, 11th. A bright night when I went to

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 171

bed ; but in the night there sprang up a violent storm
of wind & rain, which lasted till morning. Bose at
the usual hour, had my horse fed, & brought up, &
about sunrise mounted him. Had not ridden far before
it set in to rain. The roads bad enough before, now
became worse. I rode in the rain 11 miles, through a
wild country where I saw no houses. Glad was I when
this stage ended« While I was eating my breakfast,
the weatiier cleared up, & became very warm. I made
out to cross the Monongahela, and arrived at Sum-
merill's ferry on the Yohogany at sunset, tired & sick.

Thursday, 12th. Feel poorly this morning. Have
taken cold, or rather the distemper which rages every
where on this side of the Alle^iany mountains. Ate
breakfast here, and at 9 o'clock set out on my lonely
journey. Such travelling I However, I made out 20
miles, & put up at Antford's, the Dutchman, where
were not less than fifty souls. Among these was a
Mr. Linsey, with a family consisting of himself, wife,
ft nine children, boxmd for Kentucky. They appear
to be a family of note.

Friday, 13th. Bose early, pursued my journey^ with
roads in a worse condition than yesterday, ft myself
sicker. But across the Laurel mountains, & arrived
at Ankelley's (f), sun half an hour high, I was glad
to rest. I made out 22 miles. If my horse had not
been of the first quality, I should not have travelled
10 miles.

Saturday, 14th. Bose at 5 o'clock, called up the boy
who slept in the same chamber, ft had him make the
fire. Then I got up ft dressed, but was much fitter
to keep my bed, for I was really sick. But if it is
dreadful for a traveller, at a little distance from home,
to give out ft lay sick at a tavern, it is much more so
when at a distance of 450 miles away. Accordingly, I
summoned all my resolution, ft banged round till it
was light, when I mounted, ft sticking to my text better

172 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

than parson does to his, rode 36 miles, to Todd's

tavern. On the crest of the Alleghany mountains to
day. When I was on the top was on the ridge pole of
the continent.

Stmday, 15th. Last night, soon after I put up, came
on a severe thunder gust. One bolt of the lightning
struck within seventy rods of my quarters. The clap
wiiich followed was as heavy & as handsome as ever I
heard. Had good entertainment here, but I was so
sick I coxdd not enjoy it. Bose at 6, but although it
had not ceased raining, & I was in snug quarters, &
sick enough to lie by, the idea of approaching winter
& of the great distance I was from home overpowered
every other consideration, & urged me on. Grossed
the Sideling Bidge, & travelled 35 miles.

Monday, 16th. Arrived at John McCairs, Fort
Louden, very tired & sick. Li coming over the last
mountains I rode through a heavy thick cloud. Here
I was almost frozen, although on both sides the moun-
tain it was hot & smoking. While in the cloud, which
was about half an hour I could detect the odor of
sulphur plainly; and my kentsloper was nearly wet
through, although it did not rain.

Tuesday, 17th. Little rest last ni^t, ft feel wretch-
edly today; but the thought of winter ft the journey
still before me keeps me on my legs. This day agreed
with John McCall to carry my skins ft furs to Philar
delphia, ft also agreed with Jeremiah Hamilton to take
two ( f ) wagon loads of sang to Baltimore. The dis-
tance to Philadelphia 150 miles, to Baltimore 98. I
pay £5 per ton to Baltimore, and £9 per ton to Phila-
delphia. These loads are to start on Thursday 19th
inst. At the same time I start for Baltimore, with
intention to do what business I have there, ft then meet
my wagon at Philadelphia. This is a hard stint I have
set myself, but I must strain every nerve & muscle to
perform it, keeping home in view enough to clap the

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 173

spur into me once in awhile, bat not so much as to inter-
fere with business. To day has been warm & smoky.
Last ( f ) Saturday night was a great aurora horealis,
or Northern light, said to be the greatest ever known
in these parts ; but I have seen greater in our section.

Wednesday, 18th. Took breakfast at Gapt. Pattens,
and at 10 o 'clock set off for Mercersburg. On my way
bought seven barrels of flour, three superfine @ 28/
and four fine @ 26/. I bought these to make three
tons. Being obliged to pay for tons, I am determined
they shall carry it I arrived at Mr. Erwin's at 12
o'clock, in hopes to find my packers there, but they had
not come. It is a cold, but fine clear day.

Thursday, 19th. Baw, cold. Packers not come.
Took my horse & went back to North Mountain. Here
I found them, at 3 o'clock, P. M. I hurried them on;
& arrived back at my lodgings at sunset. The wagoners
were waiting here. I set to work without delay, & had
them loaded by 8 o'clock in the evening, & then tired
& sick w^nt to bed.

Friday, 20th. Bose as soon as it was light. Set-
tled with the packers, ft started the wagons off. Then
set out myself for Baltimore, ft although the days are
mere nothing arrived at Tanney town, a distance of
50 miles, & here slept.

Saturday, 21st. Bose at daybreak, & set out imme-
diately. Had ridden about 5 miles when it commenced
raining, & continued to rain all day. Nevertheless,
rode 42 miles, & put up at Bum's, at sunset, within
8 miles of Baltimore.

Sunday, 22nd. Up as soon as could be, & pushed
on for Baltimore, where I arrived at 8 o'clock in the
morning. Hadbut just put up at Starrik's, when there
came on a violent gust of snow ft hail which lasted
fifteen minutes. I was glad to be comfortably housed.

Monday, 23d. Find fatigue is almost wearing me
out. Feather beds seem likely to finish what influenza

174 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

began; & there has been a violent attack on my poor
shattered Inngs. Hope to feel better tomorrow, when
I shall be expecting the wagons. Dined today with
Mr. Crosby^ the dishes being salt-fish & roast chickens.

Tuesday, 24th. This is the fortieth anniversary since
my Inngs began to blow; and now it is very certain
they are mnch ont of repair. Feather beds & ropy air
prove to be too mnch for them. I have great reason
for thankfulness that I have been preserved so many
years, through all I have gone through. Spent the
evening with my friends at Mr. Crosby's.

Wednesday, 25th. My wagons did not arrive till 12
o'clock. Still unwell. Impatience has got strong hold
upon me. Signs of an approaching storm, sky wild &
angry, the tides swell, & every bone & every old scar
& wound announce the approaching war of elements.
The results of my sxunmer's work are lying unloaded
on the wharf; & it is quite uncertain whether I can
get them on board the only vessel now in Baltimore
bound for Boston. I am under the necessity of being
in Philadelphia in two days to receive my other wagon;
& tomorrow is Thanksgiving day throughout the states.
A pretty situation for a man who is sick enough to be
abed. But I rely on Him who never fails the man who
tries to do his duty. My faith does not fail me that I
shall yet accomplish all these things.

Thursday, 26th. The last night exceedingly stormy;
and a wearisome night was appointed unto me. This
morning by no means favorable to travellers* If I
wait till the storm is over, I have a prospect of com-
pany to Philadelphia; and on all accounts I believe
it is prudent I should. But disappointment in regard
to my plans prevents all enjoyment. At 12 the rain
abated, & I set off. Bode 13 miles to Skerrett's, when
it came on to rain again. Dinner being ready, we stopt
over. As it continued to rain hard, ft Gunpowder Falls
were impassable, we staid all night.

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 175

Friday, 27th. Bose early, & with difficulty got across
those ngly dangerous falls. Breakfast at Bnsh town;
thence rode 12 miles to the Susquehanna, and dined.
The tides were tremendously high yesterday, [but]
had run out so low, & the wind w&s so very strong
down the river, both boats were fast aground. We
could not cross till sunset. We then crossed 6 miles
to Charlestown, where we slept. In crossing the Sus-
quehanna my friend's horse jumped overboard. Pre-
vious to that mishap I had lent him my blanket & sur-
cingle; and both accordingly got wet through.

Saturday, 28th. Bose at 5 o'clock, A. M. and, using
all the art & industry I was master of, got away at a
\ after 6, it being still dark as night & very lowery.
After riding about two miles in the dark, became suspi-
cious, from tiie way in which the wind struck me, that
I was wrong. Soon came to a little hut, where I hailed.
The people inside answered, that I was astray. Turned
about, and with the loss of li miles, recovered the right
ground, & stood for Philadelphia, where I arrived at
9 o'clock, much fatigued, after a ride of 16| miles, in
a thick fog. Forgot to mention in the proper place,
that the name of my companion from Baltimore is Low-
ell (f) from London, a worthy good man, of about
fifty years of age. He & I together met with many
difficulties by reason of floods, and the almost total
desertion of the Susquehanna waters [of their usual
channels.] The poor man was so fatigued with rid-
ing 40 miles, & his saddle chafed him so badly that I
lent him my blanket & surcingle to ease him somewhat ;
but in crossing the ferry his horse got overboard; &
all his baggage, my blanket included, got wet. Yester-
day, early in the morning, he met his wife & family,
travelling, Baltimore-wards, in the stage. A fortunate
circumstance for him, as he was nearly beat out, and
was going to Philadelphia to fetch them. He proved
to be a man of rather more feeling than usual ; for, on

176 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

parting with me, he wept, thinTring of the variety of
scenes we had passed through together, & in so short
a time.

I performed the rest of the journey with diligence.
Bode through the State of Delaware, with the usual
traveller's experience, eating, drinking, oating. Just
as I was out of it, 6 miles beyond Chester, at a quar-
ter of a mile's distance, I observed a great concourse
of people, at the other end of the plain; & soon was
met by two boys & some men leading out a couple of
fine looking horses for a race. I expected them soon
after me, & under some apprehensions of a mishap in
that case, crowded sail to get out of the way. I had
but just joined the crowd when the two boys, mounted
on the steeds, began the race ; and, in less than a min-
ute, one of them had his brains dashed out against a
tree. Thus ended the horse race & the life-race both
together. Good God I what can be more uncertaia than
this human life!

Sv/nday, 29th. Kept house all day at Nickols's, in
Market st. sign of the sign of jClonnastago wagon. I
expected to find my wagon waiting for me; but as I
was obliged — dot 'em — ^to wait for them, this did not
prove a particularly comfortable or edifying day.

Monday, 30th. Having a mattress to sleep on, had
a good night's rest, & rose something brighter than
usual. Found my wagon arrived. Went to the post-
office & found letters both from my partner & from my
friend, for which I here record my thanks. Have been
busy all day in unloading my wagon, settling with the
wagoners, & looking up purchasers for the load they
brought. Think I shall find a middling market for my
skins. Also found that there were two schooners in
port belonging to Boston, owned by E. Parsons. In
one of them I intend to send some freight.

Tuesday, 1st December. Rose with so severe a head
ache tiiat at 3 o'clock in the afternoon I was obliged

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 177

to quit bnsiuess; having sold aU my skins & fars; and
settled with McCall, having paid him £25" Os" 9d for
one load from Wheeling to Philadelphia. I have
bought about 1000 lbs sang for deer skins^ pound for
pound. I should nearly have completed my business
in this plaee, if my head had not been full of pain.
I am quartered in a noisy house, where are sixteen
members of Convention, besides the usual transient
custom.

Wednesday, 2nd. Pleasant weather. This day set-
tled all my business in Philadelphia.

Thursday, 3rd. Rose in the morning, undetermined
whether to set out or not, but at 10 o'clock the spirit
moved too strongly to be resisted, & I budged; the idea
of being homeward bound adding fresh strength to
man and horse; and by half past 5 had ridden 37 miles,
and put up at Maidenhead. It has been very windy
& cold all day, & it was with difficulty I crossed the
Delaware.

Friday, 4th. Bose at 5 o'clock, & by 6 was started.
Kept constantly in motion, except one hour at break-
fast, & half an hour to oat at 2 o'clock. Made out to
ride 46 miles, & slept at Elizabeth's town. The day
has been cold & windy.

Saturday, 5th. Was up at 6 o'clock, and as soon
as the day broke was on the road. Arrived at Newark,
6 mUes, it was so cold I stopped & took breakfast ; &
then was off again on my last stage to New York.
Was detained one & half hours at the three ferries, and
arrived in the city at 12. When half way over the
North river, it came on to snow, and continued snow-
ing till evening, when it turned to rain.

Sunday, 6th. A fine clear day. My breeches have
such holes at the knees that I hold myself excused
from going to meeting; but this is no excuse for not
keeping the day as it ought to be kept, namely as a day
of rest. Am lodged in a house resembling Noah's
ark, in one respect certainly, inasmuch as it is filled

178 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789.

with all sorts of creatares. Shall quit as soon as I
can.

Monday, 7th. Day employed in settling with Col
Bichard Piatt. Called on Mr. Thompson, in whose
hands I left several notes for collection. He had en-
tered snit against S K ^ & will be able to re-
ceive the money in January. Passed this city of New
York as it were in review before me, in its business
aspects that is. A hive of bees seems to be the suit-
able emblem by which to describe it. — a hive in the
summer, when Nature has decked the earth with all
kinds of flowers, & the bees do not work without their
pay : neither will these New Yorkers, for they will not
hand you over something for nothing — ^not even civil-
ity—unless they get back their quid pro quo in profit
All Yankees who resort hither, & mind their own busi-
ness, find their account in it.

Tuesday, 8th. At 10 o'clock, A. M. left New York,
& rode the first stage of 20 miles ; then oated my horse,
& refreshed myself. Thence on to Horse-neck. Am
once more in the land of abundant stone-wall, and of
large droves of fat hogs ; where, moreover, the women,
besides having handsome faces, wear blue stockings
& ride on pillions. A wuidy day & cold this has been.

Wednesday, 9th. Bose at 6 o'clock, & started on
my journey immediately. A cold stinging morning;
and the roads not only very hilly & stony, but also very
rough & hobbly. I nevertheless made out to ride 37
miles to Stratford. Find I have taken a bad cold, &
am almost sick.

Thursday, 10th. Bose at day-break, and a little be-
fore sunrise started. Bode two mUes to the Housar
tonic river, got up the ferryman, & crossed ; kept on to
New Haven, & there breakfasted at 11 o'clock. The
morning cold & frosty, & the road very hobbly. Made
out a ride of 42 miles, & slept at Fuller's in Berlin.
Far from well all day, am feverish, am all but sick,
believe I may say — quite.

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 179

Friday, 11th. Bose at the usual hour^ rode to
Wethersfieldf & breakfasted at H. May's. He went on

with me to Hartford see his daughter Sh [or to

see his daughter's children?] Had not been there more
than an hour before it set in to raio, & continued rain-
ing heavily all day & night, but cleared away in the
morning, leaving the roads muddy exceedingly.

Saturday, 12th. Left Hartford at 10 o 'dock. It was
a very cold windy day, but I made out to ride to Ash-
ford by the time it was dark.

Sv/nday, 13th. Was up at the dawn of day, after a
night of but little sleep; & was off by 7 o'clock. It
was a cold stinging morning, and the road all hillocks
& holes, slippery with ice, & broken with hobbles. It
took four hours to go to my brother's, in which time
suffered much from cold, as I had to creep along with
patience almost exhausted.

Monday, 14th. At Pomfret today. Went on foot
to S. E. Williams 's, but he was gone to town meeting.
So I kept on to the meeting house, did my business with
him, and returned to sister Sabin's at 1 o'clock, & there
dined at 2. After that paid a visit to sister Silas, &
slept there. Since Tuesday last, have been quite un-
well, & have had but little sleep.

Tuesday, 15th. Breakfasted at Pomfret, and at 10
o'clock, A. M. set out on my last division for Boston.
Found the roads as bad as usual. With only one hour's
cessation rode tilldark, arrived at Ammidon's, & slept.

Wednesday, 16th. Bose early, & by diligent travel-
ling arrived at Boston at 5 o 'clock, P. M. with a thank-
ful heart, and mind immensely relieved. Found the
dear family in a good condition of health, and I be-
lieve as glad to see me as I wiaB to see them. It was
pleasant, most pleasant, to see them where they were —
in old Boston; but — ^truth to tell — ^I should prefer to
see them all together in that beautiful land of abun-
dance from which I came, where in time industry is
sure to be as profitable as it is honorable.

180 Thomas Rodney.

THOMAS RODNEY.

BY SIMON QRATZ, ESQ.
(Ck>ntiiiued from page 06.)

Thomas Rodney to Cwsar A. Rodney.

Wafihington, M. T. May 2*. 1809.
My dear Son

Yours of the 19** of March came to hand by the Mail
before last bnt I was absent when the Mail returned —
My d&vice respecting yourself you ivill find in a former
Letter. The appointments menf . by you Came on in
the papers before your Letter — I doubt whether the
government can part with M^ Gallatin Conveniently
at this Important Crisis at least — ^His turn of mind
sutes his office and he is a Vigilent officer & pays great
attention to his department in and altho he is not a
favorite of mine I shall not deny him what he merits —
I like Economy but not that partial kind which deals
out money too liberal in some directions and too
nigardly in others — Genuine Economy is uniform and
always (in govenmients) aught to be Impartial [?] for
as Constitutionally public money is a Compensation for
public Services — ^it aught always to be in proportion to
the services — The Partial Bepeal of the Embargo has
been of no benefit here to the Price of Cotton — ^It got
up to 13 dols but has fallen again to ten a hundred —
By our latest accounts (to wit to the 16^ of Jan'.) the
French have beat the Brittish out of Spain so that no
doubt the Emperor is in full possession of that Country
— ^I presimie this will bring about Peace unless Eng-
land should Determine to defend the Spanish American
Colonies, who seem to aim at Independence (which I
wish them to obtain) but in this Case Napoleon will

Thomas Rodney. 181

turn all his force against England herself in good
Earnest to destroy her. Present my Eespects to M^
Poindexter. I am sorry he did not succeed but tell him
that such things sometimes turn out for the better in
the End — ^I mentioned to Major Carter & M'. Stark his
being in want of money and they are Exerting them-
selves to dispose of his Cotton to the best advantage.
I have not written to M'. P. D. Exx)ecting that if he was
appointed he would have Come on but will write as I
now presume he will attend the Ensuing Sessions of
Congress.

Judge Leak rides the Spring Circuit but as soon as
the Supreme Court is over will set off for his family
and probably will not return till next Spring so tiiat
the laboring oar will fall on me again unless our new
Judge M^ Martin Comes on — Gen". Wilkinson is at
Orleans and as the Brittish are busy in the French West
Indies, will probably have nothing to do, and it is said
will move most of the troops to this territory on ace*,
of their health but your information will be better than
mine on this subject — We have had green peas here
two weeks, and my wheat will be fit to cut this week —
Wheat that grows here is equal to that of Delaware or
Maryland — ^and the ground produces more. I raised
last year about 45 bush' on an acre & a half and this
year 1 acre will produce 20 to 25 bus*.

I have not heard from Dover or Delaware for a long
time — ^Know not what has become of them —

Thomas Bodney

P. S. The People of this Territory are a mixed mul-
titude and Include a great Variety of Caractors among
those are Some who Fled here to the Brittish in the
Early part of our Bevolution — Some who came while
the Spaniards Buled here — There are too renegades
from the States who having been punished there fly
here where they are not known — Some of them reform
and become good Citizens — others pursue their Evil

Vol. XLV.— 18

182 Thomas Rodney.

way and give onr Conrts some trouble — ^Bnt the far
greater part of the Citizens are good Republicans and
are animated by a firm aotive and Energetic Spirit of
Patriotism not Exceeded in any of the States — ^They
turned out to oppose Burr's Conspiracy with such
readiness and alacraty as Military Men that nothing
more [torn] have been asked of them — ^Yet [torn] they
approved the general tenor of the [torn] President's
Conduct they were Induced by some Circumstances to
believe that his Mind had been prejudiced in some
Degree by Misrepresentations against the Inhabitants
of this Territory — ^This they Attributed to person who
they thought did not Merit so much of his Confidence —
There are few more generally acquainted with the
People here than I am — ecnd I believe that on any
ardent & just occasion the Bepublicans would support
the General Government with as much Energy and
Alacraty as any part of the Union I mention Ihis to
dispel any unfavorable Ideas that may have been
Entertained at Head Quarters — ^In fact this territory
is the Bxdlwork of the western Country.

T.E.

Thomas Rodney to Ocesar A, Rodney.

Town Washington M. T. Sept'. 30*^ 1809.
My dear Son

I flattered myself some time ago with the hope of
having it in my power to visit my friends in Delaware
next Winter but Judge Leak went off for his family
last June and is not expected back Untill next Spring;
and Judge Martin of N. C. our new Judge has not yet
arrived nor is it known here when he will come — ^I re-
ceived a Letter from him in July in which he proposed
being here in that month but July, August & September
have passed away and we have heard nothing further
from him, so that the whole duties of the Superior
Judiciary have remained on my Hands since May, and

Thomas Rodney. 183

I have three or four Comities yet to hold the fall Cir-
onit Courts in two others I have already passed through.
It is not only Expensive but laborious to be on the Cir-
cuit and sit alone for better than two months. Espe-
cially in such Uncomfortable Court Houses as we have
yet in this new Country — ^I sincerely hoi)e that when
there is occasion to appoint another judge for this Ter-
ritory that some gentleman of the Law in the Territory
will be preferred — Our gentlemen at the bar here are
numerous and many of them not inferior to any that
Can be had in the States who would come to this
Country,

Special Pleading is adhered to in our Courts perhaps
with as much Strictness Elegance and propriety as in
any of the States, so that Even the Young Lawyers
are obliged to read their books and be very attentive
to their business or want bread — ^beside there are sev-
eral gentlemen in the territory who have read the Law
but have declined the practice — ^I have said this much
because for 4 years past I have felt the burthen and
inconvenience both to myself, by being left so often
alone, and to the people by the delay of their business
as it requires two Judges to hold the Supreme Court
and there are so many Counties that one judge unless
he had an Iron Constitution Cannot attend them all the
full time required to git through the business of each —
But the unfortunate situation of the Country for want
of a market makes delay at present no very great in-
convenience — ^Indeed there is so little money, and the
Country so much in debt that if the Courts were to go
through their business, the Country would be in a great
measure ruined ; for the most wealthy people in it canr
not pay their debts at this time — ^Yet when this is the
Case Suits are always multiplied.

We hear that the Brittish Minister which was prom-
ised to settle all our Differences has arrived — ^But after
the principles they have avowed; and their Condem-

184 Thomas Rodney.

nation of the Condnct of M'. Erskine, what can they
propose that will not condemn their own Cabinet or
offend onrs? Their disposition has been uniformly
offensive toward the U. S. since the Peace of 1783 to
this time — ^is the outrage they have Committed on the
Condnct of their own Minister because he Endeav^. to
assuage the irretation, any Evidence of their Inten-
tion to propose anything reasonable or Acceptable to
us? Certainly not. What then is left for us to dot
Must we shut ourselves up in our own Country and all
our Surplus produce, and all our Shiping be left to
rot and waste on our hands ? The People Indeed have
bourne this, while there was a prosi)ect of its produc-
ing advantageous Effects, but will the Enterprising
Spirit and Industry of the Americans bare to have
their hands always tied? I presume not — What Else
can they do? Is it not time after so many outrages,
and provocations for them to range all their Marshal
spirit, aU their Virtue & Patriotism, all their Enei^
and fire, and Present a firm, bold, determined and war-
like Front to Great Brittain ; and tell them as we did
heretofore, that since Every peaceable and persuavive
Measure has faild, we are prepaired to defend our
rights at the point of the Bayonet?

But I stiU hoi)e tiiat the people will Confide in the
wisdom of our government, and that they will pursue
those measures that wiU be most calculated to secure
the safety and promote the prosperity of our Country.

General Wilkiason and a Considerable part of the
army are Expected at Fort Dearboum near this town
in a few days — The Gen", wishes to reside in town but
will find it difficult to git a House that will be Con-
venient — ^It has been more sickly here than usual — The
new Gov', has been sick almost Ever since he came, and
his fevers still pursue him but Intermit — ^I have had
several short attacks but as I am my own Physician,
I soon git well ; yet I have to avoid the sun as much as

Thomas Rodney. 185

possible as the heat of the Climate is the Chief adver-
sary — The Gov', has appointed M'. Shields AW. Gen-
eral of the Territory — ^he has attended in that office at
the Circuit Courts in the two uper Counties, and ac-
quitted himself very handsomly. Since I wrote to you
last I have visited the Walnut hills, and two small
tracts of land I have there — ^two young gentlemen of
the bar went up with me, M'. Sturgers of Kentucky,
and M'. W. D. Winston of Virginia. We had three
Fishing parties on the great fishing Lake while up ; and
Caught an abundance of fine Fish; and had our feast
served up on the bank, near a fine spring of sweet
water — ^but while up and Endeavour*, to Explore the
Country round my own land one very warm day, the
Cane was so strong and thick that we could not pro-
ceed far — ^Yet not liking to be disappointed I fatigued
myself into a fever whidh returned after Intermitting
the third time before I attempted to Check it. Then
I began with the White Oak bark tea made cold and
very weak — and the Fever was off in less than 2 days-^
and Indeed Ceased Immediately to Interrupt my rid-
ing — Since I have been here, I have found it far more
Efficatious than the Peruvian bark, & so do all who use
it and it is much pleasanter being neither bitter nor
sour. Its cooling Estringency is what subdues the
fever — It must be put in Cold water and will be strong
Enough to take in ten minutes — W. O. Boss of Orleans
but formerly of Pensylvania Called to see me yesterday
and said he passed 2 or 3 months in Delaware and left
you well — This is- the first I have heard of you for
several months Past Except by Major Carter on his
return. He informed me that M'. & M". Poindexter
Intended to spend the summer at Winchester so that
I suppose you will not see them tUl Congress meets;
before which time I shall write to him if the Courts do
not prevent it. Give my love to Susan [torn] Children
— ^I can only say I wish to see them, without having

186 Thomas Rodney.

any prospect of it at present — ^but when Leake and
Martin both arrive, I think I may be Exonsed in a trip
to Delaware — ^Present my respects to the President
If he remembers their fate in 1781, he will not dread the
Brittish in 1810,

Thomas Eodney
P. S. Stubom facts show that Napoleon got a sore
dmbbing on the Danube — ^but it will only retard the
fate of Austria & Spain a little longer — ^Bonaparts
Mission will probably not end untill he Bestores the
Jews as he has promised to do — ^When Providence de»
signs to destroy a Nation it turns their wisdom into
folly — The Conduct of Qt. B. Indicates that they how-
ever Potent at present, are in the road to Destruction.
The U. S. thrown into the scale of her Enemies must
bare her down.

Thomas Rodney to WUliam Duane,
Editor of the Aurora, Philadelphia.

Town of Washington M. T. Nov'. 3* 1810
ly. Sir

I sincerely thank you for the firm and steady manner
in which you have advocated and supported the Union,
and the Federal Government of the United States ; and
for the firm and Constant watch and guard which you
have kept against the Tyrany imd wicked designs of
Great Brittain ; for she in fact is our only Enemy, our
only inveterate adversary; the only Power in Europe
which wishes and seeks to subvert our Union and Inde-
pendence : All Europe beside are Interested in our wel-
fare and Independence, and of Course are our friends ;
well knowing that while we maintain our Union and
Independence the Naval Tyrant of the Seas can never
prostrate the World again at his feet — ^As to the Sons
of Erin Let them fly to America as fast as they can;
they never can Expect to Enjoy Liberty under the
Brittish Government ; and we have Vacant Lands suffi-

Thomas Rodney. 187

dent for them all where they will enjoy all the Sweets
of Liberty — ^And they deserve to be received with open
arms by tiie Americans, from the noble part which most
of them, then among ns, acted in our Bevolntion — and
from the friendly dispositions which those now in Erin
shewed in favor of onr Liberty and Lidependence — As
to the FloridaSy we an^t to acquire them in some way
— ^Yet the Mode or Manner of doing this must be left
to the Federal Government; But Every Citizen has a
right to advise them on this head. I would not take any
undue advantage of the present disordered State of the
Spanish Empire; but as there can be little doubt but
that the Emperor of the French will accomplish the
Conquest of Old Spain and Portugal in Europe, I am
Clearly of Opinion that if the Spanish Colonies in
America have the Spirit and Courage to assert their
Independence, it will be the Interest and even the duty
of the United States to befriend them.

I am with friendly respect

Y^ most obedient

Thomas Bodney

N. B. You may make sudh use of this letter as you
think proper ; but need not Expose my name unless you
think it material.

Note — ^In 1722 there were about 200 Inhabitants at
New Orleans, The Chief Fort however was on the Mobil
— The govemm'. had been on Isle Measure or Cat
Island — ^but the harbor being stoped up was removed
to the mainland on the Coast of Beloxi about 14 leagues
to the west of Mobile between Fensacola & Pearl
Bivers — ^It is called 27 leagues from Mobile to Pensar
cola and from that to Si Josej^ 20 leagues ; and from
that to St Marks on the Appacacha Biver 30 leagues
All this barren Coast of Land is Sandy but the waters
abounds with fine fish and Oysters and the Islands with
game — ^wild fowl Larks and Woodcocks.

Charle Vomc Vorager

188 Thomcts Rodney.

In the Latter part of 1722 Bienville, then Gov', of
Louisiana moved the Seat of Qovemmt. to N. Orleans —
Pensacola had been taken by the French in 1720 — ^but
at the Peace of 1722 was restored to the Spaniards —
and held by them untill Ceded to Britton in 1763. The
Canadian French first discovered the Misisipi in 1763
at the Illinois — ^and in 1682 Motf. De Salle Descended
that Great River to its month —

The Country of the Arkanzas or Arkansaw is Dis-
scribed by Charle Voinx and Boisour as well as De la
Viga to be the finest in Louisiana.

i: : Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney.

Town of Washington, M. T. Nov'. 7^. 1810.
My dear Son'

For three or four days past the weather has been
Cool and moist after a drouth of 3 months, and for
many weeks the atmosphere has been a mere Cloud of
dust and of course unfavorable to those who were sick
and low, yet it has not been generally to say sickly —
Since the cool moist weather set in it has braced me
considerably aad I feel much better and begin to £!at
and increase a little in Strength but am stUl so weak
can take but little Exercise — Col. Tilton arrived at
Orleans after a Voiage of 4 weeks and four days — ^He
wrote to me the 26^ of last month that he would Cross
the Lakes and be at the Landing on this side on Satur-
day last (the 3*^ of this Instant) so that I expect him
here this Evening or tomorrow — The old Register
T. H. Williams is now here and will be ready to deliver
over the Becords and Office Papers to the new Register
— The former being now Collector of the Port of Or-
leans was to have been there by the 20*^ of last month
but was taken very iU here and is still Confined. I told
him of Col. Tiltons appointment to succeed him here
in the Registers Office and he wished the Col. to arrive
before he left here that he might Deliver over the Office

Thomas Rodney. 189

Records & papers himself which will now be the Case—
M'. Poindexter was at Orleans when Col. Tilton ar-
rived there but was to sail (I believe for Baltimore)
the 27^ of last month — ^Toung Robert Benvist brother
to Mrs. Shields goes round with Poindexter to complete
his Education at the University of Philad'. And his
friends (as they design him for the Law) are very De-
sirous that he should read & study that Science in your
office and under your direction. They were anxious
that I should write to you by him but I was not well
enough to write when they left here; and I advised
them that you could hardly reply positively to his ap-
plication to study with you untill you shall know how
he Conducts himself at the University — ^I think Robert
has promising talents, and he has generally Conducted
himself Prudently here where he had all his friends
around him and has been I am informed anxious to
learn, but as I was not at the last Examination of our
Schools I do not know how far he is advanced in his
Education — ^Young Robert Dunbar Unkle to Mrs.
Shields has also gone on to the University of Philad\
but his Parents and friends have said nothing to me
respecting him, tho all the family, which is very large,
are very friendly toward me, and are most of them
wealthy Planters — ^Both these boys have hansome
Property that with Industry & Economy (for which the
fanuly are remarkable) may become wealthy in this
country The Country between the Arkinsaw and the
Great River Misisipi is reported by De la Viga (De
Sotos Historian) by Oarle Voiux and by Boson to be
the Richest and finest tract of Country in all Louisiana.
I am anxious if I recover my health to git round next
spring to see if one (or a Company) could not procure
a tract of Land in that part of the Country (which was
lately Ceded to the United States by the Osage Nation)
which would make it worth while to form a Consider-
able Settlement there. If this Could be done I would on

190 Thomas Rodney.

my Betam Explore that part of this Conntryy and fix
on the most Eligible part to lay out such a tract and
form a Settlement — ^The tract of fine Country is large
and few or no Indians in it, and no white people only
low down on the ArkinsaWy and on the banks of the
Misisipi. Whereas the finest part of the Country lies
higher up the Arkinsaw and between the Low Grounds
of that Biver and the Misisipi. The Land is high and
level and much like our lands in Little Creek and Duck
Creek necks as to soil — The Pecans and other nut and
fruit trees grow over it and all the timber, and trees
are fine and flourishing; And the Climate is pleasant
and Calculated to produce all sorts of Valuable Ar-
ticles — Grain, Tobacco, Lidigo, Cotton, and all the
finest kinds of fruit and Especially Vines &°.&°.&°. and
is well watered. When De Soto passed through it there
was no part of Florida near so popular — ^It was Cov-
ered with Cities & Villagesi, ^ut subsequent Indian
Wars & the Small Pox has left not a Village Standing
in it but a few of the Osarks or Akansas near the mouth
of the Arkinsaw.

There were no French Grants in that Country I be-
lieve ( T) [torn] but that of Mr. Law whidh was after*
wards Surrendered to the India Company and seems
to have been long since relinquished for I do not find
that any of the old large Grants made by the French
during the Misisipi Bubble has been Claimed, since
western Lousiana, was Ceded to Spain in 1763 — but
there is some small Spanish Grants on the lower part
of the Arkinsaw and one pretty large one to old M^.
Winters which Extends to White Eiver — as I am inr
formed — ^but the finest part of the Country is above all
these — ^In 1787 I might have [torn] one hundred mile
square on the west bank of the Misisipi on [torn] own
terms and was much pressed to accept of sudh a grant
[torn] Spanish Ambassador; which would have in-
cluded all or most of that fine part of the Country; but

Thomas Rodney. 191

I would not hold snch a Grant nnder a Dispot — ^There
are nnmerons Salt Lakes a long the ArkinsaWy by which
means I have no doubt bnt I conld raise as fine fiish
and oysters there as the world affords — ^bnt this Ex-
periment has never yet been tried at any of the Salines
in our western Country tho there is no doubt with me
of its Success when properly managed not only Salt-
water fish ft oysters but Lobster, Grabs and Clams,
ftcftc. may be raised there without mudi Expense —

I feel no Axiety to Enrich myself but it would give
me pleasure to do something for our young rising flock.

Thomas Bodney

N. B. I have always been remarkable Lucky in drawr
ing prizes in Lotteries. I therefore wish you to pro^
cure me three Tickets in Washington Monument Lot-
tery with my name on them and advise me of their num-
bers — and I will ,send you a draft on the bank at
Philad* next Month or in Jan^. for $30 — ^In doing this
I shall Contribute to raising a Memorial in honor of the
old General and stand a chance of acquiring ten, twenty,
thirty or fifty thousand Dollars to myself.

T. B.

Thomas Rodney to CcBsar A. Rodney.

M. T. Town of Washington Nov'. 14*^ 1810
My dear Son

I wrote my last mail, but since that, to wit on Satur-
day last, Col. Tilton arrived in good health ft Spirits.
He resides at my House, and is to move the Becords
and Papers &c of his office up to my House to-day.
They would have been here by this time, but a light
rain prevented in Deed he would have moved them be-
fore but the old Begister T. H. W. (The now Collector
of the Port of Orleans) was here in town very sick —
by Col. Tilton I received Letters from several of my
grand children which I shall answer — The Collector of
Orleans has been here since Augast last, three or four

192 Thomas Rodney.

weeks ago he accidentally fell out of a Gallery about
ten feet high and fell on his head, which laid him up
three or four days, after whidi he got better, and In-
tending to be at Orleans by the 20^ of last month he
went over the Biver to arrange his business at his
Plantation before he went away; on his Betum here
he was Seized with a violent Fever, which opperated
Violently on his head; and no doubt proceeded from
the Injury Sustained by his fall before mentioned. He
still Continues HI, and there is some doubt of his re-
covery — ^If that office should become Vacant no doubt
there will be many applicants, but as the Q-ovemment
have had a recent Instance of Ihe bad Effect of appoint-
ing random Carracters to such offices, I presume the
President will wish to appoint a Person whose Prin-
ciples, Integrity and faithful honesty, may be depended
on — ^Hitherto I have Objected to living at Orleans, but
have now been longer enough in this Country to dia-
cover that it is as pleasant, and as healthy, as this part
of the Country; and Enjoys many advantages we do
not have — ^I have suffered here for want of fish and
oysters which are plenty there ; and almost Everything
can be had Cheaper there than here, whether coming
there oversea or down the Biver ; besides if I was there
it would be more Convenient to send such things to my
friends in Delaware, than from here — ^and the only office
I would accept there would better Enable me to do this
That of Governor, Collector or that of District Judge —
Either of which I would accept when Vacant — ^If the
President should see proper to appoint me — ^but I would
not accept of any office there which would oblige me
to Execute those abominable Dispotic Laws whidi are
passed by the French in that Territory; Contrary to
the Principles of the Qovemm*. of the United States —
Indeed if I was Governor I never would Consent to
such, or approve Laws that are Calculated only to make
it a French Province again — ^And in my opinion the U.

Thomas Rodney. 193

S. had better transfer it to France at once than to make
it a State Untill the American Settlers become more
numerous than the Frendi — This Information and that
respect^, offices is for yourself only; and only to be
acted on when any occasion happens to give the oper-
tnnity — ^therefore you will bare it in mind Dear CaBsars
Cloaths are packed up in his trunk, and ready to go
round but I think it best to detain them untill the Spring
when there will be less risk by sea — and as they are
mostly summer cloaths, they will be useless till then —
I continue to mend slowly, but think I have gained
faster since I had my old friend and Companion CoL
Tilton with me — ^yet I remain so week that I can Exer-
dse but Little — ^I have learned an Indian Remedy for
the Gravel, which is Equal if not Superior, as a Dis-
solvent and Diuritic to the Lorrel hill Vine; and pos-
sesses greater animating and Exhilerating qualities —
So that if the Doctors had been able to have Expelled
dear little OsBsar's fever I had no doubt of my being
Competent to have Eradicated his old Complaint in a
short time Doct'. Daniel and Doctor Rollins, thought
his Complaint the gravel ; but Docf". Cox thought it an
Incrustation of the blader ; and mentioned that he had
seen several Cases of that kind; yet this would have
made no difference, as to the Effect of the Remedy I
have mentioned — ^It is a small shrubby plant which does
not grow here, but grows abundantly in the southern
part of West Florida, toward the seai^ore. It is pretty
much like box and is the remedy used for the Venereal
disease by the Indians — ^They also call it, when made
into tea, the Liquor of Valour on account of its ani-
mating and Exhilirating Effects — The leaves are first
cured in the sun or over some Coals — and then boiling
water is poured on them as in making other teas ; and it
must be taken warm.

Present my love to Susan and the Children, and to
Sister Sally if still at your House. —

Thomas Rodney

194 Thomas Rodney.

P. S. Oar Territorial Legislatare is now Sitting in
this town bnt I believe have not Compleated any busi-
ness yet — ^The Governor and all the publick officers who
reside here are well — ^Col. Cushing with five Q-unboats,
and three Companies of the Second Regiment I believe
are on their way to Mobile, bnt why he has been ordered
there I Do not know — That part of West Florida west
of Pearl River are said to be quietly Enjoying Inde-
pendence — Gh)v'. Folk has sent to Cuba for assistance
to subdue them, but we are informed here that those
for Independence in Cuba are most numerous and are
for following the Example of west Florida — Some dist-
turbance in Cuba is not Improbable as the Marquis of
Sumeralis is removed and a New Q-ovemor to take his
place. I see by the Election of Col. J. Hazlet for Gov-
ernor that Delaware is looking up once more.

T. B.

Thomas Rodney to Ctemr A. Rodney.

M. T. town of Washington Nov'. 20*^ 1810
My dear Son

I rested better last night and feel better this morning
than I have done since I was taken sick — ^I Considered
the Medicine recommended by you but none of it suited
my Constitution or habit — ^I have used nothing but what
this Country itself affords — ^It abounds in medicinal
plants affording medicine for almost every disease this
Climate is subject to — ^pukers, purgatives, sodarifics,
and Estringents, I have used only the white oak bark
tea to Check and Control my fever for which purpose
it is far superior to the Jesuits bark — ^I have used the
sweet gum balsam to Check and Control an ugly Cough
and Expectoration whidi was troublesome — ^and some-
times the alkaline balsam to regulate the stomach, and
the Castor oil dissolved by alkali to regulate the bowels
the parrunchrista is native and abundant here and any
quantity of that oil might be made here — ^I found that

Thomas Rodney. 195

the sweet gam bark tea, the parsimon bark tea or the
white oak bark tea would check my lax but caused by
that means the bile to accumulate or a sour acid, and
disorder the stomach, but since the oranges have got
ripe and Game up here I have taken to drinking orange
beverages sweeted by loaf sugar, plentifully; and this
by its Diuretic operation has stoped my lax without
injuring my stomach. There is a plant whidi grows
abundantly in west Florida near the sea which I have
no doubt is Equal if not superior to the Lorrel hill vine
for the gravel — ^It is a powerfull Dissolvent and Diur-
retic as well as Sodorific and is equal if not superior
to opium in Exhilirating the animal Spirits — ^I had no
doubt had dear Little Caesar got over his fever but that
this plant when got, would soon have Eradicated his
gravelly Complaint but it does not grow in our Terri-
tory nor are the Doctors here acquainted with it — nor
have they any other remedy for the stone or gravel ex-
cept the slow one of the alkali — ^tho ' I know the nitrous
acid would do this when rendered mild and safe to take
by other ingredients yet a Vegetable remedy is more
safe and more convenient to take. The Indians make use
of the plant above mentioned for the cure of the Vene-
rial complaint — ^Dear Caesar's Cloaths are packed in his
trunk and ready to be sent off, but it being late in the
Season I think it Safest to send them Early in the
Spring.

Col. Tilton arrived here last week and resides with
me and has moved the Land Office to my House — ^Has
got the books & papers arranged and is Doing business.
He came in good health and still remains well — The
old Register (now Collector of the port of Orleans) has
been in this Town since August last when he was about
to go to Orleans he was taken very HI, and still con-
tinues so — ^It is thought that a fall he got about 4 weeks
ago has been the cause of his Hlness — ^he attempted to
sit on or lean against the rail of a gallery which stood

;

196 Thomas Rodney.

9 or 10 feet from the ground — It was rotten, gave way
and he fell to the Ground head foremost — and since his
Illness he has Chiefly Complained of his head and he
looks as if the Injury was dan^rous. Since I have been
sick I have suffered so mudi for want of fish and
Oysters, the only things Could have Eaten That I have
Seriously reviewed the Situation and Climate of Or-
leans where fish and Oysters are always plenty in
season — and indeed almost all other articles pl^itier ft
Cheaper than here. All the French writers who men-
tion Ihat place say it is Equal in healthyness and pleas-
antness to the South of France and Even to Mont
Pillau ( f ) — ^This perhaps may be a little exagerating,
yet from all I have heard of it since I have been here,
it is at least aa healthy as this part of our Territory.
It is only fatal to strangers who arrive there at an Im-
proper time or when the Yellow Fever is there; but the
old Inhabitants are never sickly and seldom take even
the Yellow fever — ^And it Enjoys so many advantages
beyond those this part of the Country affords that my
old objections to it have Vanished — So that if any Post
I would accept off should become Vacant there and the
President should think proper to appoint me, I should
now prefer Orleans to this place, altho, from the respect
and regard with which the people of this territory
have always Expressed and Evidenced toward me I
should regret leaving them — ^but I am advancing in
years and need those Comforts which necessary to my
health without the mind itself declines, but as yet my
mind Betains its Vigor in Bemimbering, Compairing
and Comprehending Ideas in a much greater Degree
than I expect to Enjoy at this time of life — ^In fact my
nervous System seems yet to retain all its usual tone
but quickness of bodily motion — ^Yet I recollect but
three Posts at Orleans that I would remove there for,
to wit, that Governor that of Collector or that of Dis-
trict Judge, for I would not accept a Territorial Judge-

Thomas Rodney. 197

ship there to Execute the tyrannical Laws made by the
French Inhabitants of that Territory Contrary to the
principles of the Oonstitation of the United States —
And if that Territory is made a State before the Amer-
ican Inhabitants at least equal the French Congress as
well transfer it to France at once. — ^If I were at Orleans
I should be Convenient to send any rarety that this
Country affords, or other things to my friends in Dela-
ware — ^but it is Difficult to do this from here — ^All ar-
ticles but a very few that the Land or water affords are
Cheaper at Orleans than here — ^but what I have said on
this Subject is at present only for your own informa-
tion — and only to be used when you see occasion. When
any of the offices I have mentioned may happen to be-
come Vacant — Present my love to Susan ft the Chil-
dren, I shall if well, probably write again by next mail —
and wrote by the mail before last.

Thomas Bodney

Thomas Rodney to Ccssar A. Bodney.

Town of Washington M. T. December 4«» 1810
My dear Son

I wrote to you the mail before last and by the 3' mail
before that — ^We have had the weather cool for two
weeks past, accompanied about twice a Week with large
White Frosts and between them moderate Showers of
Bain so that I have been mending slowly but am still
too weak to Exercise much — ^Hitherto I have thought
but Little about public affairs, yet in my last Letter
mentioned my willingness to remove to Orleans in Case
either of the offices therein mentioned became Vacant
and the President should think me fit to fill such an
office so as to make the appointment. This Change of
Sentiment is out of regard to my own Comfort and
Convenience, for I cannot Expect to be more respected
and regarded anywhere than I am and have been by
the People of this Territory since I first arrived among

Vol. XLV.— 14

198 Thomas Bodney.

ihem— -Indeed fhey seem so much attached to me that
whenever I mention Visiting my Connections & friends
in Delaware they always object to it for fear I should
be Induced not to retnm — ^In tmth they universally
seem to view me as the Patriarch and Father of the
Territory — ^Hitherto I have been too feeble to attend to
Politics — ^but our Troops here lately being put in
motion Indicates that the Government have determined
on some degree of Spirited activity — Colonel Cnshing
two weeks ago with three Companies of the Second
Begiment and six Gunboats descended the Misisipi
from Natchez — ^Destined as said for Fort Stodart on
the Mobile, and two days ago the remainder of the
Second Begiment moved off to Natchez (with the Artil-
erists of the new raised Troops from the Cantonment
near this town) to descend the Misisipi in the Residue
of the Gunboats ; and the remainder of the New raised
Troops only wait for boats to follow— but their Desti-
nation is not generally known here Tho every one Con-
jectures they are Destined to take possession of west
Florida, so long neglected to be done by our Govem*-
ment — ^This measure will receive the Universal appro-
bation of this part of the Union Even if we had not
Legal Claims to that Tract of Country it being Essen-
tial not only that the back Country should have the
free use of the Bivers and outlets to the sea which
pass through that District but that we should keep any
and every foreign power from having the possession
of that country so as to prevent us from the use of
those numerous Bivers and outlets which pass through
it — ^Various reports are in Circulation here resi)ecting
the Floridas, one is, that Pensacola has been Delivered
over to the Brittish, and that the Brittish flag was flying
on the fort there — another that the Bevolutionary Gov-
ernment of west Florida had sent all the men they could
raise against Mobile and Pensacola — That one of the
Kempers with three hundred men had gone on by land

Thomas Rodney. 199

to Pensacola and had marched in and taken possession
of the town withont opposition but that two Brittish
Officers came ont of the Fort and after Conversing with
them Kemper and his men retired 4 miles backward —
That Col. Canady a Lawyer of Tombigbee, with the
Besidne of the new Government forces and some men
from Tombigbee and others raised below the line had
blockaded Mobile on the land side so as to prevent any
supplies going to the Fort by land bnt yonng M'.
Thomson one of onr bar here says he left Pensacola
Eight days ago, That there was then a Spanish Gar-
rison there of 150 men — ^that he called at Mobile, and
saw Governor Fonlke there with a 150 men to defend
that place, and that Fonlke told him he Expected 2000
Troops from the Havana, and when they arrived he
shonld march against Batton Bonge &". that the Bevoln-
tionary forces had mardied with Intent to take both
Mobile ft Pensacola — That they took- with them 4 pieces
of Cannon and two pieces of light-Horse artillery and
says nothing farther of them — ^how far these reports
may be Credited I know not, bnt presume they cannot
be fully relied on, nor is it material if our Troops have
orders to take possession of that Country as there can
be no Force there Competent to withstand them. While
. I was at the Lake three trading Vessels returned there
from Pensacola — ^While there they saw the Spanish
Troops reviewed, and said they amounted to only 300
men. Diminutive in stature, none of them Exceeding
5 feet in hei^t and all Washanangoes, and the most
ordinary looking troops they had ever seen — ^I believe
they have received no ladditional troops since — of
course even if so disposed they will make but feeble
opposition to our army — ^nor do I suppose that the
Bevolutionists of Florida will make any resistance to
our troops, as the Sentiment when I was at the Lake
app'. more in favor of our taking possession of West
Florida than in favor of a Bevolution at their own risk.

200 Thomas Rodney.

Ool. Tilton Oontinues in great health and is busy every
day in his office, as there is hardly a day but more or
less of the purchasers of public land are paying money
into the hands of the Treasurer or Beceiver of the
U. S. for land-
Present my love to Susan and the Children. I re-
ceived the History of Cbili by Col. Tilton. The last
letter received from you was dated about the time Col.
Tilton sailed — have not heard since whether you have
moved or not.

Thomas Bodney

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney.*

Town of Washington M. T. Dec'. 10*^ 1810.
My dear Son

Two letters will go on to you by the next mail — ^The
first was Intended to go by the last but it was so Wet
and Stormy I could not send to the office — The last of
our Troops (Except the Sick and Convalescent) left
here yesterday. The others went by water but the last
detadiment having no boats but what were necessary
for the baggage & stores, are to march to Fort Adams,
by Land, and perhaps further for their Destination
being Unknown here remains as yet a secret — Gen*.
Hampton has not yet arrived but it is said he is to meet
them on the Biver to Explain their Destination but
this being known at head quarters requires nothing said
on that head to you. Gov'. Claiboume and Gov'. Homs
have both gone below with, or at the same time of the
first detachment — ^and it was rumoured yesterday here
that Gov'. Claiborne was to Issue a proclamation which
he had left at Natdiez to be printed showing the desti-
nation of our Troops to take possession of Florida and
that he the Gov', was appointed G^nerallissimo of the
Expedition with power to call out the Militia of both

* His last letteiv— He died Jan. 2, 1811.

Thomas Rodney. 201

Territories and to govern Florida after taken posses-
sion of that no notice was taken of the Bevolntionary
Government there, but that the (Jov'. was only to ne-
godate with the Spanish officers &"•&" all this seems to
be a wild kind of random news and seems to amuse the
public for the moment but as the first detachment has
been gone now a week the Event of their destination
must be known here in a few days — ^I am told today that
the Presidents Proclamation (not Governor Clai-
homes) is published in the. Natchez paper of this morn-
ing but have not yet seen it — ^Doct^ McDowel informs
me that he met Gov^. Holms on Fryday last, and M^
Freeman (The Surveyor (Jen*, of this Territory) near
M'. OConners below the line that Gov'. Olaibome had
gone down the Biver from Fort Adams with the Begu-
lar Troops ; and that Gov*. Holms told him the Doct'.
that their Destination was Batton Bouge — The Doct^
says that the Bevolutionists have got 150 of our De-
serters in the Fort and are well supplied with Cannon
Arms & Amunition, and he presumes unless a Com-
promise takes place our Troops will be resisted by the
new Government — ^He says also that the New Govern-
ment have sent 500 men against Mobile— that he was
at Batton Bouge last week, and they had news that the
Floridas and the Havanah were delivered by the Span-
ish Junta to the Brittish and that there was a Brittish
74 at Pensacola &". — This however seems to be all ran-
dom news. I know not what has Induced Gov'. Holms
and M". Freeman to venture unattended below the line
— ^If the New Government there should resist our
Troops they may be made Hostages — our first detach-
ment having left Fort Adams on Fryday may have
reached Batton Bouge yesterday or Today, so that
probably the Orleans Mail, the day after tomorrow,
may inform us what they are about — ^Dec'. 12"* — ^M'.
Snodgrass, a reputable man from Green Ville was at
my House this morning just after I had read the Presi-

202 Thomas Rodney.

dents Prodamation respecting West Floridar— M'.
Snodgrass says he saw a yonng man at Green Yille
just returned from Batton Bonge who said he was
there when M'. Osbonmey (a yonng man who had been
sent from here down there by Governor Claibonme
with the Presidents Proclamation) arrived there that
he was suffered to read the Proclamation and then the
Commanding officer ordered him to be Confined in the
Calabous — ^that all the new Government Troops ordered
to Mobile were ordered to return to Batton Bouge and
that he met 80 of them going there — ^that there were
200, of our old Deserts in the Fort, and when the Com-
manding officer ordered M^ Osboum to the Calabous
he Pointed to their Independent Colors flyiag on the
flagstaff, and told him it would take a good deal of blood
to pull them Down — ^The young man said further that
on his Betum he stoped awhile at St. Francis Yille at
the mouth of Bayou Sara, where the new Governor
SMpwith ft Legislature were sitting & that he saw Gov'.
Claibonme ft GoV. Holms there — ^That several of the
Citizens of that town were pleased with the project of
the U. S. taking possession of that Country and had
taken the Oath of Allegiance to the U. S. but Claibom
in talking on the business with a member of the Legis-
lature, was referred by him to Gov*, SMpwith but Clai-
bom replieid he new no such Gov', [torn] upon being
informed of this, Skipwith Lnmediately [torn ft cov-
ered by the seal] Batton Bouge — Gov'. Claibom left
there and went over to Point [covered by seal] Coupe
( f ) but gov. Holms had set of to go to Batton Bouge
tiio' [covered by seal] had advised him not to go — and
the young man says if he does go there he will be
ordered to the Calabous — as they seem determined
there to Defend their Independence— This however is
all report — nothing official has arrived here yet — ^the
mail probably will bring some thing but too late for

Thomas Rodney. 203

me to notioe it. Nevertheless it will go on to Govern-
ment.

I cannot approve the Idea of annexing that District
(if we git possession of it) to the Orleans Territory
for it will be indnding in that Territory aU the Bivers,
Lakes and outlets to the sea between the Tardala ( f )
and the Sabine which cannot be a wise Begolation in
any point of view — ^In my opinion it wonld be far more
wise to connect it to the M. Territory, and then Divide
the M. T. into two Territories^ by a strai^t North line,
as drawn from the sea, to the Tenessee line — ^then aU
these Territories wonld have ample ontlets to the sea.

Thomas Bodney

204 Notes and Queries.

NOTES AND QUERIES,
flotef.

Lbtteb or Hon. Samttel HuirrmoroN, Puesident, to Hon. Benja-
min Fbankun, France, 1781. — [Franklin Papers, Historical Society
of Pennsylvania.]

Philadelphia March 2. 1781
Sir,

You will receive herewith enclosed, the Ck>py of a resolve of Con-
gress of the 27*^ Ulto, ezpreedng the high Sense that they entertain
of the distinguished Bravery & military Ckmduct of Captain John
Paul Jones.

Conformable to the enclosed Resolve, you will please to communi-
cate to his most diristian Majesty, the high Satisfaction Congress
have received from the Information of M' de Sartine, that the Con-
duct and gallant Behaviour of Captain Jones have merited the Atten-
tion of his most Christian Majesty, and that his Majesl^s Offer of
adorning Captain Jones with the Cross of military Merit is highly
acceptable to Congress —
I have the Honor to be with very high Respect & Esteem

Sir

Your most obedient &

most humble Servant
Sam. Huntington President
The HonoraUe
Benjamin Franklin Esquire

JSooH JHottue.

The GovEBNiOBNTS or Ettbofe. By Frederic Austin Ogg, Ph.D.,
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The Records of Holy Trinity (Old Swedes) Church, Wihnington,

Del., from 1697 to 1773, with abstract of English records,
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The Relations of Pennsylvania with the British Government,

1696-1765. By WiNFBBD T. Root, Ph.D. Svo. 422 pp. Price, $2.

Southern Quakers and Slavery. By s. B. Weeks, svo. 400 pp.

Price, 12.

Eariy History of the University of Pennsylvania from its Origm to

the Year 1827. By Geobgb B. wood, M.D., and F. D. Stonk.
Philadelphia, 1896. 16mo. 276 pp. Copiously illustrated.
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History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania, fiy w. r.

Shephisro. Svo. 601 pp. Price, $4.60.

Memoir of Dr. « "^ Logan of Stenton. By his widow, deborab

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Some of the First Settlers of ''The Forks of the Delaware'* and

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History of the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, 1861-1865. Com-

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>— x,-,i^li

VoL XLV JULY. 1921 No. 179

THE

PENNSYLVANIA
MAGAZINE

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY

PUBLISHED QUARTERLY

j^^'r^'SD

PUBLISHED BY

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OT PENNSYLVANIA

FOR SUBSCRIBERS

PHILADELPHIA
I92I

For Sale at 1300 Locust Street, Philadelphia. Price 75 cents

per Number, or $3.00 per year

CONTENTS.

PAGE

"A Whitemarsh Orderly Book," 1777 — Found in the collections

of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 205

Jitters from the Maasacliusetts Archives. By Qaorge A, Taylor . . 220

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. By Henry D, Gilpin 224

An Early Description of Pennsylvania. Contributed by Professor

R. W. Kelsey 243

Robert Street, Artist. By Mantle Fielding 225

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. (Illustrated.) By

Major W. A. Xrwrnan Dortand^ A.M.y M.D., F.A.CM 257

Americ4i's First Batlitnb. By George A . Reid 202

Notes and Queries 294

Book Notic4»s 298

BOUND VOLUMES OF THE MAGAZINE.

Ck>pie8 of all the Tolumes of this Magazine can be obtained at the
Hall of The Historical Society, bound by Hyman Zucker, in tlie very
best manner, in the style known as Roxburgh, half cloth, uncut edges,
gilt top, for $4.25 each and the postage. They will be furnished to sub-
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receipt of $1.25 per volume and the postage.

PRINTED BT PATTERSON A WHITE CO.

THE

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY-

Vol. XLV. 1921. No. 3.

''A WHITEMARSH ORDERLY BOOK/' 1777.

Head Quabtebs at Whitemabsh, Nov. 18**. 1777.

Paroll, Westminster; Countersigns: Winchester,
Woodbridge ;

Major Genl for tomorrow Green,

Brigadier Irvine,

Field officers : Lieut ColL Patton, Major Vaughen ;
Brigade Major Stoddard.

Detail is same as yesterday.

The Goverment of the State of Pennsylvania Hav-
ing appointed Comisioners in Each County thereof,
to Collect Blankets and Cloathing for the army: all
officers Sent Bound in the State for that Purpose are
by their Comanding officers to be Call,d in as Soon as
Possible with what deaths they have. A Detachment
Equal to the Daily Guard is to parade tomorrow morn-
ing at half after three o^Clock Precisely on the Grand
Parade with one Days Provision Cook'd — the Brigade
Majors will have their men Drawn out at Retreat Beat-
ing and See that they are PVoperly fix'd for the Duty.
Coll J. C. Hall will Comand the Detachment and under
him Liu*, Coll Burr and Major Addams

Detail as follows &c. &c.
the Remains of the Late Capt Foster of the 15** Vir-
ginia Reg*, will be Inter,d this afternoon at four a

Vol. XLV.— 15 206

206 ''A WUtemarsh Orderly Boole;' 1777.

Clock with the Honours of Wair. Richard daibome
Esqr is appointed Brigade Major to Gen' Wedens
Brigade, and is to be obeyd as Such —

Head Quabtees— Novemb 19*^., 1777

Parol — ^Holland — Countersign — ^Hanover, Hamburg.

Major Gen*, for tomorrow Sullivin

Brigadier Woodford

F. officers Liu* Coll. Wolford

Brigade Major Major West Williams

The Pennsylvania Field officers are desired to Bring

in their old Commissions and receive new ones

All the Gen', officers are desired to assemble tomorrow
at 10 O'clock in the forenoon at Gen*. Huntington's
Quar*. in order to settle the Bank of the Field officers
of Horse who are to attend This Board of Q^n*. officers

and exhibit their respective Claims .

All arms unfit for service which are Deposited in the
Several regiments and Corps are to be Sent Immedi-
ately to the Commissary of Military Stores who will
send them to be repaired.

Head Quabtebs Whitbmabsh Novemb'. 20**., 1777.^

Parol C sign

Major Gen* for tomorrow Ld Sterling

Brigadier Maxwell

F. Officers . . L. Col. Richardson, of 5 North Car-

rolina.

Brigade Major Major Magowen.

Liu* John Mercer is by the Judge Advocate Gen', ap-
point Judg Advicate Gen. and is to be Respected as
such.

James Munroe Esqr. f ormely appointed Aid d. Camp
to Major Gen. Lord Stirlling is now reappoint*. a.d.
camp to his L 'ship and is to be Respected as such.

^^■■'^^^^^^'•^^■■■iiPWi^PlPi'^BW^^Wff^Piili

A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 207

M^ W". Montroy is appoint Paymaster to the 3*. Vir-
ginia Regi"' and is to be Bespected as Such, The
Colther as Beceiy*. about 400 more Blankets The Sev-
eral brigades are to Send for their quota of them.

The Sick are to be sent to hospitals but before they
are removed applycation is to be made to D'. Cochran
or other Director of the Hospitals for Directions, un-
less the Place to which they are to be Sent has been
Priorly Pointed out in Gen', orders — ^No more Sick men
are to be sent to Buckingham meeting house

A Sergant and 12 orderly men are to be sent to
Buckingham, in order to Take Care of the Sick —

A gen*. Court martial where Gen*. Sullivan was
President was held on the 3*. Instant and on Divers
othe days to the 17*^. Inclusivly For the Trial of Major
Gen', Stephens Charged with 1"* unofficer like behavour
on the march From the Clove ; 2* unofficer like manner
in the action of Brandywine and Germantown; 3*
drunkenness —

The Court Declare their Oppinion and Sentence as
follows, Viz:

The Court having Consider*, the Charges against
Major Q^n*. Stephens is of oppinion that he is guilty
of an unofficer Like Behavour in the retreat from
Germantown owing to Inatention or want of Judgment,
and that he has Been Frequently Intoxicated since in
the service to the prejudice of good order and Milli-
tary dicipline Contrary to the 5***. Artie*, of the 18 sec-
tion of the Artie'" of war — Therefore Sentence him
to be dismis*. the service. The Court find him not
guilty of any other Crimes he was charg^. with and
therefore acquite him as to all others Except tiie Two
Before mentioned — .

The Commander in Chief approves the Sentence.

On Tuesday Evening a Black gelding with a Saddle
and Bridle the property Major Gen^ Armstrong were

208 ''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777.

Taken from Head Quarters. The horse is 4 years old
about 14 hauds high Switch Tail without any white
Natural marks Shod alround, fore shoes new, who ever
will deliver him to the oner or to Coll. Biddle shall be
reasonably rewarded for his Pains.

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh Novemb'. 21*. 1777

Parole Counf sign

Major Gen" for tomorrow Sulivine

Brigadier Wayne

F. Officers Lt Coll. Burr, Major Adams

Brigad Major Hitchcock

Detale the same as yesterday.

Those Paymasters of regiments who have drawn any
pay for officers or men in Coll Morgan's rifile Corps
are Immidiately to Pay the Same over to the Pay-
master of that Corps.

A Datachment of 80 men with proper officers are to
parade this day at 3 o 'Clock in the afternoon on the
Grand Parade —

Detail &c. &c.

Complaint is made that by the Carelessness of the
Butchers the hides are greatly damaged in Taking them
off; the Issuing Commis" are Injoyned to Inspect the
Butchers thay Employ and see that thay take off the
hides with Proper Care No women coming out of
Philad'. are to be permitted to pass the first guards
without being told they cannot return again, if upon
being inform*, of this, they Chuse to Come out they
are to be allowed to pass the guards into the Countrie.
The Gen*, of Horse will give this in charge to all the
parties of Horse.

The officer of the day report that sentries from the
Picquats Keep fires by them; this dangerous Prac-
tice is absolutely forbiden and officers of guards are
without faile to Visit all their Sentries Between every

A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 209

relief to see that they are alert and keep no fires, and
in Bad and Cold weather they are to releave the Sen-
tries every honr. They are also to see that the Sen-
tries are well-informed of their dnty and Instruct such
as are Deficient.

on the Right G V V CDF. Men

BarrenMll Church, l_2 — 3 — 3 — 2 — 70
Piquet guards.

D. 0. Camp at Whitemabsh 21'' NoV". 1777.

Col Eyres or the officer commanding the artillery of
the State of Pennsylvania will immediately send to
Allen Town at least two of the Ammunition waggons
& one bridge cart, all the ammunition belonging to the
two Iron pieces and as much of that fitted for the
brass six pounder, as the commanding officer shall
think may be spared at present — a conductor is to be
sent for the careful delivery, and storage of the am-
mimition, who will return on the delivery of these
stores to Lieut Col. Heigher or such other person as
may have the care of the state stores, at that place.
General Irwin will furnish a Sergeant guard. The
Horses and wagons are immediately to return — Coll
Bull will point out siome proper place ten or fifteen
miles up the country to which the two iron pieces are
forthwith to be sent — The Conductor will apply to
Coll. William Henry if at Allentown, or to the State
Armorie there and by the return waggons bring to
camp such repaired arms and accoutrements as are
ready.

(Signed) John Armstrong

Major General.

H*. q'. Whitemarsh Nov. 22, 1777
Major Gen*. L*. Sterling

Brig'. Gen". Smallwood Officers of the day

L\ Col. Ford— Major Lockhart for tomorrow

Brigade Major, Barber.

210 ''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777.

The gen*, conrt-maxtial of the line of w*. Col. Gray-
son is pres\ ia to sit tomorrow morning at 9 o'clock
at the honse where Gen*. Huntingdon's quartered for
the trial of all prisoners w*. shall be brought before
them : an Orderly Serg*. f". each brigade to attend the
court — L\ Col. Heth, Lieut. Col. Becker, and Major
Taylor & a Cap\ f™. eac5h Continental brigade present
are to compose the members of the court — All the
gen*, officers present in camp are desired to meet at
Lord Sterling's quarters tomorrow at 10 o'clock in the
forenoon to settle the ranks of the field officers of
horse, who are to attend the board, and exhibit their
respective claims.

The brigade commanded by Gen*. Patterson and
Learned are to form one division under the com*, of
Major Gen*, the Baron de Kalb.

The horses taken yesterday by the scouting party
commanded by Col. Bobst assisted by a party of our
light horse, are all to be brought to the Q'. Gen*, quar-
ters tomorrow morning at 10 o 'clock and sold at public
vendue; the produce of the sale is immediately to be
divided by the D. Q'. M. Gten*. between the captors.

After Orders :

Lt. Col. Smith will detach from the troops under his

C 8 P

com*. 1. 2 - 50 - to be ready to march this afternoon
precisely at 4 o'clock with one days provisions cooked.
Capt. Jarvis will com*, the detaehm*. & apply immedi-
ately to Col. Biddle F. M. Gen*, for a guide & further
directions. — A sub", of horse with 12 P. dragoons will
parade at Col. Biddle 's q". precisely at 4 o'clock to-
morrow morning when orders will be ready for the
sub".

Head Quabtees Whitemarsh Novemb 23*. 1777

Parol C sign

Major Gen*, for tomorrow .Sullivan

Brigadier Scott

''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 211

F. officers Lt. Col. Lytle

Brigade Major from Woodford's Brigade, Riddle

The Court of laquiry held the 18*^ Instant of which

Coll. was President, to Enquire into the Conduct

of Coll. Price of the 2* Maryland Begi'. Report; as Fol-
lows Viz —

The Couri; after Considerijig the Evidences that ap-
pear*, are of Opinion that the reports circulating to
the Prejudice of CoP Thomas Price are without the
Least foundation

A Detachment of 50 men are to parad Percisly at
4 OClock this afternoon on the Grand Parade with one
days Provisions.

A subaltern of horse with 12 Sight Dragoons are to
Parade at Coll Biddle's Quart' at 4 oClock Tomorrow
morning.

The Gen". Court Martial of the line ordered to sit
today is to sit tomorrow morning at 9 oClock at Gen*.
Huntingdon's Quarters.

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh November 24*"*. 1777.

Parol Countersign

Major Gen', for tomorow Lord Stirling

Brigadier .Irvine

F. officers Coll. Price, Major Polk

Brigade Major Parker

Information Having been given that Divers of the
Late Sutlers and some of the Inhabitants have opened
Tiplinghouses within and adjacent to the Encampment
of the army, by which the Design of Banishing the Sut-
lers from the army is in a Great Measure frustrated
the Deputy Quartermaster Gen*, is Required forthwith
to make Diligent Enquiry and Examination for Dis-
covering such Houses and supressing them and to as-
sure all who are Driving this Pemissous trade that if
Continued any Longer their Liquors Shall be siez*. and

212 "A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' Yin.

they expelld from the Neighbourhood of the Army on
Pain of the Severest Punishment if they Return —

The Legislature of the State of New Jersey having
made provision for Suplying their Troops with Cloths
and Blankets all o£Scers Sent thither for the purpose
of Colecting those Articles are by their Comanding
o£Scers to be Immediately Becalld.

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh Novemb'. 25**. 1777.

Parole, Rutland; Countersign; Stafford, Troy

Major Gen*, tomorrow DeKalb

Brigadier .Woodford

F. Officers Coll Thomson, Lieut. C. Smith

Brigade Major Stoddard

For the Information of the Troops lately arrived.
The Gen*", order issued some time since is repeated
That Tattoo is not to Be beaten in Camp. —

Taken from two privates a Pair of Brass mounted
Pistols Supposed to be Stolen. The owners may have
them by applying to Capt. Cristy of the 3*. Pennsyl-
vania Regiment.

Head Quabtebs Wh*. marsh Novm*. 26*^ 1777

Parole C. Sign

Major Gen* Sullivan

Brigadier Maxwell

F. Officers

Brigade Major

If any gentleman of the army can give Information
to the Gen*, of Shoes, Stockings, or Leather Briches
in quantities he will be Exceedingly obliged to them;
he will likewise be obliged to any of the Gentlemen
officers for recommending Proper Persons to Collect
Those articles.

Gen'. Smallwood and the Colls, of the Maryland
regiments are to meet tomorrow morning at 9 Clock,

A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 213

at Gen'. Smallwoods Qrts. to State as far as they Can
the rank of all the other officers in their reginients
and the dates of their Commissions anght to bare,
where there are Contests for rank amongst the Colls,
they are to State their Claims.

The money for the Payment of the army for Sep-
tember is Expected Every Honr.
regimental Paymasters are Immediately to make out
their abstracts, for the month of October and deliver
them to the Paymaster Gen', for Examination. As an
alteration in the Payment of rations is now under Con-
sideration of Congress it is recomended to the Com-
manding officers of regiments not to add their ration
accounts to their Pay rools until their determination
is known, which will be Signify*, in Gen*, orders. The
Paymaster Gen*, has Complain*, of the Slovinly earless
manner in which some of the Cap^ Make out their
Payrolls. The regimental Paymaster is not to receive
any but such as are made out fare and agreeable to the
Form some time since given out by the Paymaster
Qea\ when the Regimental Paymaster is to furnish
such Cap**, with who have not yet received the same.

No regimental Paymaster is to leave the Service
without first applying to the Commander in Chief Nor
any new Paymaster appointed without obtaining his
approbation.

A Cap*. Sub', and 50 men of L*. Stirling Div°. are to
Parade at the Commissarys Gen*. Qu**. at the 2* House
over the Bridge on the Skipack road at 3 oClock this
afternoon witii one day Provisions to ascort some Bag-
gag*, waggons—

H^ Q'. November 27**. 1777.

Parole C. Sign

Major gen\ tomorrow. .Lord Stirling —
Brig'. Patterson.

Field officers. .Col Beaty L\ Col. Cobb—
B. M. Williams.

214 ''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777.

A detaching of 300 men are to parade tomorrow
mommg on the grand parade precisely at half after
three o'clock in the morning. Col. Da^. Hall, L*. Col.
Craig and Major Tyler, are appointed field oflScers for
the detachm\

This detachm*. is to take one days provisions cooked.
Twelve light dragoons are to go on the same command
and to repair this evening to Col. Biddies quarters.

After orders.

A detadim^ of 100 men to be under command of
Cap*. Craig are to parade tomorrow morning at sunrise
on the graad parade with one or two days provision
and boxes full of ammunition ; they will be absent from
camp one week near the enemy's lines, and are to go
prepared accordingly.

H*. Q". WmTEMABSH November 28*^. 1777.

Parole C. Sign.

Major Gen', for tomorrow. .DeKalb
Brig'. . . Poor

Field officers Col. Gunby, Major Hogg —
B. M. McClure

At a gen*, court martial held the 24** inst of wh. Col.
Q-rayson was pres*. Major Ross charged with *' leaving
his arms in the field in the action of the 4** of Oct', near
Germantown'^ was tried and acquitted with the highest
honor. The Com.-ia-chief approves the court's judg-
ment. Major Boss is released from his arrest.

Detail for guard the same as yesterday.

The gen*, court martial of w*. Col Grayson is pres*.
is to sit tomorrow morning at the tavern next to Col
Biddle's quarters.

HpAn QuABTBES Novemb'. 29*^. 1777.

Parol C. Sign.

Major Gen', for tomorrow Sullivan

Brigadier -Wayne

*'A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 215

F. o£Scers Coll Marshall

U. Coll Campbell.

Brigad Major McClintock

The officers Commanding regiments are to see that
their mens arms are put in the best order Possible
and of the loaded ones such as can be drawn are to be
drawn and the others discharge, the first fare day at
eleven oClock in the forenoon but to prevent the wast
of Lead the arms of Each regiK or Brigad are to Dis-
charge their pieces into a Bank of Earth from which
the Lead Can be Taken.

A Court of Inquiry -is to sit tomorrow morning at
9 oclock at Gen*. Gist Quar*. to Liquire into the Con-
duct of Cap* Andrew Slhull of the 4"" Penns*. regim in
ordering the Paymaster of that regiment to pay Cap*.
Wuits a sum of money, for a purpose suppose*, to be
unwarrentable. Coll Gist appointed President of this
Court L*. Coll Barber and Major Ross are to be mem-
bers Coll. Spencer is appointed President & Major
Boyd and Cap*, of Coll Lees regiment members of a
Court Liquiry to sit tomorrow morning at 10 Clock
at Presidents Quar**. to Inquire into the Conduct of
Lieut. Bannald of Coll. Malcoms regiment for abusing
Dan*. Masserly, Esq', and other persons in the 2* of
Last August as is Exhibited in their Deppositions

Adverts*

Two bay stray Horses are at Abraham CSiarlworths
about two miles in the rear of the Camp

Head Quabtbbs Novemb'. 30*^. 1777.

Major Gen' Green

Brigadier Smallwood

F. officers Coll Cortland

Major Smith
Brigade Major of Leameds? Brigade on the 25** of

Novemb^ Instant the Honourable Continental Congress

pass', the following resolve viz

216 ''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777.

Resolved that Gen". Washington be Directed to Pub-
lish in Gen", orders that Congress will spedily take
into consideration the merrits of Such officers aa have
distinguished themselves by their intripidity and their
attention to the health and Dicipline of there men and
adopt such regolations as shall tend to Entroduce order
and good Dicipline in the army and render the Sitaa-
tion of the officers and Soldier Tvith respect to the
Clothing and other Necessarys! more Elegable than it
has Hitherto been.

For as much as it is the indisspensable duty of all
men to adore the superintending Providence of Al-
mighty God to acknowledge with gratitude there obli-
gations to him for Benefits Becei'd and to Implore
such further Blessings asi they Stand in need of and
it having pleased him in his abundant mercy not only
to continue to us the innumerable bounties of his Com-
miTi Providence but also to smile on us in the Prosa-
cution of a Just and Nessary war for the defence of
our unalainable rights and libertys — ^it is therefore
recomended by Congress that Thursday the 18th day
of Decemb, Next be Set appart for Solemn Thanks-
giving and Rraise, that at one time and with one Voice
the good People may Express the gratfull Feeling of
their Hearts, Consecrate them Selves to the Sirvice
of their divine Benefactor and that together with their
Sincear acknowledgments and offerings they may join
the panetant Confession of their Sins, supplications for
such further Blessings as they may stand in need of —

The Chaplains will Properly Notice this recommen-
dation that the day of Thanksgiving may be duly ob^
served in the army agreeable to the Intention of
Congress.

The regimental Paymasters is to Call on the Pay-
master Gen*, tomorrow and receive the Pay for the
month of Septem'. Those who have Deliver*, in their

, .«^ iju^^v^^ .■..b. ijj ^.j^^nB0^i^e<B>^PiiiH jwvsei^M^i^^

''^ Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 217

abstracts for October may receive for that month
also. —

Head Quabtebs Wh*.mabsh Decemb'. 1**. 1777.

Parol Countersign

Major Gen' Stirling

Brigadier Irvine

F. Officers Coll Wasson

L^ Coll Stoddard
Brigade Major Mcgovem

M'. Kob*. Dnncon is appointed Paymaster to 4^.
North Carolina regiment and is to be respected as such.

A QenK Court Martial is to sit tomorrow at 9 Clock
at the Tavern next to Coll Biddle's Q'. For the Triel
of all Prisoners which Shall be Brought before them.

Coll Ogdon is aippoint President of this Court L*.
Coll Simes Major Starret & Major North & a Captain
the 1** & 2* Pennsylvania Maxwells, Conways, Wood-
fords, Scotts, Poors, Pattersons & Leanards Brigades,
are to be members of the Court.

The officers are to make out their muster rolls to
the first of December, the Term of time for which the
men Enter* for is to be Inserted in Every musterroll
The Noneffectives are not to be inserted a Second
Time. Officers must pay a strict attention to the orders
which have been Issued respecting this part of their
duty.

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh Decemb'. 2*. 1777.

Parol . . Chatam Countersign . . . Camden, Burk

Major Gen', for tomorrow: the Baron DeKalb

Brigadier Muhlenburg

F. Coll Bredford and

Major Thomas of Maryland Mi'. B. M. Hitchcock

Betums are to be made Early tomorrow Morning
of all officers and Men in the Several Brigades and
Corps who have not had the smallpox. Every Coll or

218 ''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777.

officer Commanding a Begt or Corps is to make an
Immediate Return to the Paymaster-gen', of Every
Paymaster who has belonged to or Done Duty as
Such in any Eegt. or Corps, the Place of their abode
and the time when they left the Service —

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh Decembr 3*. 1777.

Parole Countersign

Major Gen'. Tomorrow Sullivan •

Brigadier Weeden

F. Officers Coll. Livingston, Major Wells.

Brigade Major Minnes

At a gen". Court Martial of which Coll. Grayson was
President Held the 26, 27, 28 and 29 of Novembr last
Major Howard appeared before the Court Charg*. with
l"*. Wounding Cap*. L^ Duffy with his Sword, abetting
a riot in Camp & S'' in the front of the men at his re-
quest assembl*., attemping the Life of Cap Duffy with
a loaded firelock and fixed Bayonet being utterly Sub-
versive of good order and MUlitary Disipline. — The
Court having Considered the Charge and the Evidence
are of oppinion that Major Howard did not Inten-
tionaly wound Cap\ Duffy, and therefore acquit him
of the first Charge, upon the 2*. Charge they are of
oppinion that however Justifiable the motives were by
which Major Howard was at first actuated — his Con-
duct is, and the end was Such as Tended rather To
Promote than suppress a riot — ^they therefore Sentence
him to be repromanded in Gen', orders — With respect
to the 3*. Charg — ^the Court are of oppinion that it is
not supported by Evidence & therefore acquit him of
S*. Charg

Cap*. Duffy appeared before the Court Charged with
— 1** aiding & abbetting a riot 2* Assembling and abus-
ing Major Howard in the Execution of his office —

The Court haveing Considered the l"*. Charg and the

y^- V

A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 219

Evidence, are of oppimon that Cap^ Dufify behaved
with a warmth which tended to Produce a riot — and do
Sentence him to be reprimanded in Gen\ orders —
upon the 2* Charge they are of oppinion that Major
Howard when Cap'. Duffy struck him had diveated
from the Line of his duty and Consequently was not
in the Execution of his office they do tiierefore acquit
Cap* Duflfy of the 2* Charg

The foregoing Oppinions are approve*, by the Com-
mander in Chief and the Sentences of reprimand ap-
pear to be pronounced with great Justness on an Ln-
propriaty of Conduct unbecoming the Qharrectors of
officers whos duty it is to Suppress all riots and Tumult
& Set Examples of moderation decency and order —

The officers and men of the Company raised by the
late Cap*. Calderwood are to be Anexed to Cap*. Nevies
Company in Coll. Malcoms regiment —

Head Qxtabtebs Whitemabsh Decemb'. 4**. 1777

Parol Countersign

Major gen'. Tomorrow Greene

Brigadier Woodford

F. Officers Coll Tupper, Major Eeid.

Brigade Major Claiborne

Detale the same as yesterday

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh December 4**. 1777

Parol Countersign

Brigadier Woodford

Field officers Colonel Tupper

Brigade Major Clasboum

the Details the same as Yesterday

220 Letters from the Massachusetts Archives.

LETTEES PBOM THE MASSACHUSETTS ARCHIVES.

By GEORGE A. TAYLOR

[Authority — Mass. Archives.]

^^PMladelphia 18 July 1755
Five oclock P. M

We have in the absence of Governor Morris who is
over Sasquehanna received the melanchoUy news of
the Defeat of General Braddock it is contained in a
small bit of Paper dispatched by Coll. Innes from
Fort Cnmberland at Wills Creek & was forwarded by
Governor Sharpe It speaks for itself & needs no com-
ment & you will no doubt communicate it to the Gen-
erals & Admirals & governors in the Continent with all
possible Expedition.

Your honours —
most obedient
Humble Servant
Bichard Peters,
dk. of the Council
It is not an hour since the News arrivd & no other
particulars are come to the knowledge of the Council
Governor De Lancey"

[endorsed] **Kich*. Peters Clerk of the Councils'
Lett'.

To
Governor Delancy
Dated 18 July 1755"

[To the Inhabitants <& Planters of PensUvania in

America — ]
** Charles E.

Whereas his Ma*** In consideracion of the Greate
Merritt & faithfull Service of S'. William Penn de-

-■^J ■ ^I^^PHT W

'JP- . M

Letters from the Massachusetts Archives. 221

c^ast & for Divers other good causes him hereunto
moveing hath been Gratiously Pleased by Letters Pat-
tents beareing Date the 4*^ Day of March last to give
& grant unto W". Penn Esq', sonn & heire of the sd.
S'. W". Penn all that Tract of Land in America called
by the name of Pensilvania as the same is bounded
on the East by Delaware River from twelve miles Dis-
tante Northwards of New Castle Towne unto the three
& fortieth Degree of Northeme Latitude if the s*.
Eiver Doth Extend Soe ffarr Northwards and if the
Sd. River shall not Extend so ffarr Northward then
by the Sd River Soe ffarr as it doth Extend. And
from y* head of the Sd River the Easteme bounds to
be Determined by a Meridian line to be Drawne from
the head of the Sd River unto the Sd three & fortieth
Degree, (the Sd Province to Extend Westward five
Degrees in Longitude to be Computed from the Sd
Easteme bounds. And to be bounded on the North by
the begining of the three & fortieth Degree of Norih-
eme Latitude : And on the South by a Circle Drawne
att twelve miles Distance from New Castle, Northwards
& Westwards unto the begining of the fortyeth Degree
of Northeme Latitude. And then by a Streight line
Westwards to y*. Limit of Longitude above menconed
Together with all Powers Pr heminencyes [pre-
eminencies] & Jurisdicons Necessary for the Goverm*.
of the Sd Province As by the Sd. Letters Pattents.
Refference being thereunto had, doth none att Large
appeare.

His Ma"* Doth therefore hereby Publish & Declare
his Roy". Will & Pleasure. That All persons Settleing
or Inhabiteing within the Lymitts of the Sd. Province
Doe Yeeld all due Obedience to the Sd W°. Penn his
heires & Assignes as absolute Proprietaries & Gov-
emo" thereof as alsoe to the Deputy or Deputys,
Agents or Leiutenn**. Lawfully Commissionated by him
or them according to the Powers & Authorityes granted

Voi* XLV.— 16

222 Letters from the Massachusetts Archives.

by the Sd Letters Pattents, Wherewith his Ma"" Ex-
pects & requires a Beady Complyance from all persons
-whom it may Conceme as they tender his Ma**~ Dis-
pleasure.

Given att the Court att Whitehall the 2* Day of
Aprill in the three & thirtyeth yeare of is Ma**** Eeigne

By his Ma"*' Commande

Conway
To the Inhabitants &
Planters of Pensilvania
in America*'

Suffolk Go. Court Files {Mass) [Tabitha Lake's
{later Tabitha Thomas) Letter]

*' London August 26'* [1689]
*' Dear Brother

I received your letter dated from panselvanea and
am sory to hear of your troubles and according to your
order I have sent you in the Spring several goods by
Cpt. Losson of one and Mr Suttliffe [t] of which I
hope you will take care to make returns of for that
sort of furs would now be a good commodity in Eng-
land I hope you will do what you can for to make
retume for I have sent most of what I have in you
hand : I hope you will consider it Brother accordingly
I went to my sister Lake and told her what you rit to
me and I gave her all the good words I could and she
said that she had no letter from you in a year and
she said that she did not order you to be arested and
her brother was not at home but she would speake with
him and returne me her answer which he did in to [2]
days after and then she told me she was satisfied that
he was a very rich sufficient man and she desired no
better then in his hands, so when I see I could not
prevent I did tel her that you would give up what you
had in your hands to the creditours and she said you
might if you could I did not tel her that you were gon

Letters from the MassacJmsetts Archives. 223

from nne England I did not thinke it convenient for
she did thinke that he whome she had intrusted to be
the Govemer and they were sure he wase not in prison
for any Debt but upon the account of [torn] lure of
England — I desire you to secure yourself for they will
do you all the myschef they can pray be well advised
in what you do I would not have you take so much
care fore the diildren since she will not have it so
but for your self so expectmg to have retumes from
you I rite to you at large by Cap. Losson so with mine
and my sisters Love to you I am your Loving sister

Tabitha Lake."
[endorsed] **To M' Lancelott Lake

Merchant
Att Boston Li

p Capt Bant New England

Q. D. C.
[also] ' ' Tabitha Lake to

Lancelot Lake p
Gilbart Bantt 24-9

1689"
[also] ** Lake vers Somers

Jan^. 1691
Appeale"

'n ' '^^^g^^HMl ,1 ■ ■ I IM^^^^^^M

224 Extracts from a Common-Place Book.

EXTRACTS FROM A COMMON-PLACE BOOK.*

BY HENRY D. GILPIN

Mr. Gilpin, a son of Joshua and grandson of Thomas
Gilpin of Philadelphia, was bom in 1801 and took his
degree in arts at the University of Pennsylvania in
1819. In 1832 he was api)ointed Attorney of the United
States for Pennsylvania, in 1837 Solicitor of the Treas-
ury of the United States and in 1840 Attorney Gteneral
under Van Buren. He was President of The Pennsyl-
vania Academy of the Fine Arts and Vice President
of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, He was a
contributor to the Atlantic Souvenir, American Quar-
terly and the Democratic and North American Eeviews.
His library was one of the largest and best selected
private libraries of the country. He was one of the
leading benefactors of the Historical Society.

The Editor has thought it well to print the following
excerpts from his Common-place Book as showing his
diligence in the pursuit of knowledge and the orderli-
ness with which he arranged his studies, even in the
beginning of his career.

A Common-Place Book in which I intend to note down
my readings and my observations thereon.

Philadelphia, June 25, 1819.
I have this day finished my examination for a
Bachelor's degree which I have been fortunate enough
to obtain as well as one of the three collegiate honors.
As henceforth the line of my studies will be altered,
and my plan of reading entirely different I have deter-
mined to keep a faithful & accurate account of the

* In the poBaeaaion of Thomas Lynch Montgomery.

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 225

works which I peruse and to make remarks thereon
more or less freely according to the nature of the work.
And notwithstanding the opinion of Dr. Johnson I can-
not but think it an excellent method to promote at
once industry and knowledge.

It is just two years and a half since I entered Col-
lege — during that time I have read many books and
studied many subjects tho I cannot but think I could
have done more and that more effectually had I studied
privately ; however I do not regret the time that I have
spent there since it was the only way for me to obtain
a degree which the world at least considers as impor-
tant for a professional man.

I have read either at school or college most of the
ancient Classics particularly the Latin; some I have
studied with attention others have been passed over in
the superficial manner which they too generally are —
As however it is proper that I should have a perfect
knowledge of them I shall commence a general review
1. of the Greek and 2. of the Latin — I shall begin
with the Greek historians — ^then proceed to the Poets,
Orators & Philosophers — ^and afterwards follow the
same plan with the Latin.

July 5. Brandywine. The last week has been em-
ployed in removing from the city &ca. so that I have
been very idle and indeed this is the first day I have
done any thing seriously — I find that I have not
brought Herodotus down with me so that I cannot yet
commence my historical plan — ^I have determined how-
ever for the present to employ myself in studying
Greek & Latin — ^by, first translating them into English
and then turning them back into the original — ^an ex-
cellent way to obtain a good knowledge of a language —
This morning I translated the two first pages of the
1st. Philip, of Demosthenes; and the 1st Chap, of
Cicero de Senectute I also read the Articles Demos-
thenes & Cicero in Brewster — ^I cannot think that

226 Extracts from a GommofirPlace Book.

Demosthenes accepted the cup from Harpalus — I must
investigate the subject — Altogether an idle day —

July 6. Commenced Italian and was employed at it
until 10 'dock — translated a page & a half of Demost.
& a chapter of Cicero — In the afternoon I was idly
engaged in reading a little book **Oontes de Voltaire. '^
He could write tales in a most engaging manner.

July 7. Re-translated the first page of Demosthenes
and the 1st Chapt. of Cicero into Greek & Latin — ^I find
this method more difficult than I expected, but I feel
confident that there cannot be any way better adapted
to give us a knowledge of a language, than to make,
in this manner, its best writers, our instructors.

July 8. Engaged with Italian & French till 11 o 'clock
— ^translated two pages of Demosthenes — in afternoon
I wandered into the woods & having a Virgil in my
pocket read his Life and the three first eclogues — ^it
seems strange that he should have been so anxious
that the Eneid should be burnt — especially as he had
thought it long before worthy of being read before
Augustus & Octavia.

July 13. For the last three or four days I have been
engaged — so that I could not find time for Demosthenes
or Cicero — ^I have however written the greatest part
of my oration for the commencement, done something
at French and Italian & finished Virgil ^s Bucolics p —
17 to 63. How very difficult a species of poetry must
the Pastoral Poetry be — ^I do not remember a single
modem Pastoral Poet, except perhaps Gesner, who is
good for any thing. But in Virgil, every thing is
simple and beautiful, & natural, while we have no rude
or rustic expressions

July 16. I at last have got back to Demosthenes
& this morning translated a page and a half — read also
the first Gteorgic 1.1 to 100 How curious to a modem
must his compliment to Augustus (1-24-42) appear —
to ask a person in an address of 20 lines what part

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 227

of the heaven he will choose & what he will preside
over.

July 18. Translated a page & a half of Demosthenes
into Greek and began to read over Valpy^s Greek
Grammar with notes attentively read preface &c. &
page 1-17.

July 20. Translated a chapt. of Dem. into English
& a page of Cicero into Latin read Valpy p. 17-34 —
to the Verbs — the coincidence between tiie Greek &
Latin nouns is very striking, & clearly proves that the
latter are derived from the Greek — ^I have also con-
tinned my French & Italian — ^the Ital. is much easier
than I had expected — tho' I had thought it was much
more like the Latin than it is —

August 1. I returned from Philadelphia yesterday
after the commencement — ^I have been so much engaged
about it for the last 10 or 12 days that I have had
little time to attend to any thing else — as however it
is now proper to begin seriously to study I propose
as the most effectual wiay so to do to make a regular
division of my time — ^Law being the chief object of my
studies I consider that as the principal object — ^Latin
& Greek, Italian & French are scarcely less important
however — Let this be the plan — Monday, Wednesday
& Friday till 8 o'clock— Greek or Latin— from 8 till 2
(dinner) Blackstone &c. — ^aftemoon reading & society
— on the other days — ^French or Italian instead of Gr.
& Lat. — rise at 5. go to bed at 11. — ^as it is now my
intention to begin Herodotus I read, as introductory,
to-day his life by Beloe— Tytler's ffist. p. 16-39.

August 2. Bead as introductory to Herodotus — ^Mil-
lot Elements of General History p. 1-206 — This is not
a good elementary book — too little attention is paid
to chronology & it is filled with many remarks which
are by no means new — ^he however very properly
avoids mixing together sacred & profane History —
the Abbe appears to prefer the Spartans to the

228 Extracts from a Common-Place Book.

Athenians — ^but how is it possible to prefer the country
which ^4n the period of nearly 1000 years produced
no poet, orator, historian, or artist of any kind'' to a
country which stood unrivaled in every splendid ac-
quirement. — a savage to a civilized people.

August 5. Italian & French lesson — At last got an
opportunity, to begin Blackstone — read the 2 first chap,
of the Introduction p-1-63 — I admire it very much
but shall not form an opinion of the work till I have
finished il^The Edition is the 4th Oxf. 410.1770.

August 6. Having read such preparatory books as
I thought necessary I this morning began Herodotus.
The edition I use is that of Gale a learned divine of
the 17th Century — f ol, Lond. 1679 — ^it does not appear
to be a very good one but I must content myself with
it — at least for the present — read to day the 12 first
chap, of Clio — p 1- 6 — Bead also Blackst. p- 63-120
which finishes his admirable introduction — ^I shall de-
fer opening a Common-place book on La/w until I com-
mence a second reading & shall have acquired a little
more knowledge of its general principles — ^began one
however to day on History —

August 7. Eead the first 6 chap, of the first Book
of Blackstone— p. 120-237.

August 8. Did an Italian lesson which should have
been done yesterday — As I think it proper to keep
up my knowledge of mathematics I have determined
to devote a few hours every week or two to them —
to day I reviewed part of the Diflferential Calculus

August 9. Bead Blackstone p— 237-306.

August 13. Having been in Philadelphia on business
since the 10th. I have done nothing in the way of
study — I however employed two afternoons at the
Library in making a list of the works & authors in the
antiquities of Gravius, Gronovius &c which will be
very useful to me in reading the ancients —

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 229

Angast 14. Besides my Italian lesson I this day read
Blackstone p 300-366.

Angast 15. I spent two or three honrs to-day at the
Differential Calcnlns.

Angast 16. I this day read the 9 last chapt. of the
first Vol. of Blackstone p. 366-486.— else from the 13th
to the 25th chapt. of Herodotus p — 6-10.

Angast 17. Italian &o — Bead the two first Chap-
ters of the 2. Book of Blackstone p — 1-20.

Angast 18. Bead 3 ch. of Blackstone p 20-78 — ^also
from the 25th to the 34th. ch. of Herodotus^ — p 10-14;
and I have seldom read an equal portion of history so
delightful as the admirable address of Solon to Croe-
sus — The passage in the 32 Ch. — ^relative to the term
of human life is curious & important — and will be the
subject of remark in another place —

August 19. Besides my Italian & French, I could
only find time to day for 2 ch. of Blackstone p 78-120.

August 20. Bead Blackstone— p. 120-179— also 23
chapters of Herodotus p 14-21 — ^where he first begins
to treat of the Grecian States

August 21. Bead Blackstone — ^p. 179-200 — also did
a long Italian & a French lesson

August 23. I did little in the way of study to-day
except something at the Differential Calculus.

August 24. As I should wish to finish Blackstone
this month I must be more industrious — ^to-day I read
p 200-344^

August 25. Read p. 344-470 of the 2d. Book of
Blackstone; the 23d. Ch. finishes the subject of real
property, a subject perhaps the most abstruse in legal
science and **to reach to the full meaning of which*'
Sir Edward Coke's advice of a second perusal — ^nay
perhaps of a great many more — ^must be followed by
every student — To-day I also read Herodotus p — 21-
24

August 26. To-day — ^F. Corbin being here — could

230 Extracts from a Common-Plc^e Book.

read nothing but ''Mazeppa'* a new poem by Lord
Byron also the * ^ Sketch-book of Geoff ry Crayon** —
the 2 first papers of the latter are very good — ^the 3d
middling — ^the last nntrue — ^it is not the tribe of book-
makers who study the old folios in the British Museum
— ^they would be loth to take so much trouble — ^as to
Mazeppa — ^I cannot but think that the age is fast de-
clining in taste which can admire this & many other
effusions of the noble author —

August 27. Bead Blackstone p. 470-520 which fin-
ishes the 2d. Book — ^also 6 ch. of Book HE. p — 1-35 —

August 28. Bead Blackstone p 85-253 and also my
Italian lesson.

August 29. I this day read from the 17th to the
24th Ch. of the 3d B. of Blackstone p— 253-386— His
observations (Ch. 21, 22) on the common remarks, of
the barbarity of law-latin & norman french, the uncer-
tainty & length of law proceedings, the multiplicity
of laws &c — are very correct & true — & the chapt. on
the trial by jury is admirable.

August 30. Bead Blackstone p 386-455 which finishes
the 3d Book — also p 1-118 Book IV. — the concluding
observations of the first Chap, have been fully proved
by the experience of many years & it is to be hoped
that the present efforts of parliament will soften the
severe punishments of a code **so dreadful that far
from diminishing will increase the number of offend-
ers**. Also read a few chapters of Herodotus — ^p
24-26.

August 31. After a hard day*s work I finished the
Commentaries of Sir William Blackstone — ^I have sel-
dom read a book more contrary to my expectations, I
had heard indeed that he treated the dry subject of
the law in a very handsome manner but had no idea
that work on so abstruse a subject could be written
with a beauty & elegance that might entertain the
most superficial reader. Perhaps it would be going

Extracts from a Gommon-Place Booh. 231

too far to say that its style is the finest in the English
language but yet I mnst confess I know none superior
— ^Altogether it is a work worthy of the subject and
if as Montesquieu has foretold that beautiful fabric
shall sink beneath the decays of time & the corruption
of ages — posterity will here view the best record at
once of its simplicity & greatness — ^aad perhaps pro-
nounce it with the author **the best birthright, the
noblest inheritance of mankind".

September 7. Took my French & Italian and read
Pastoret 158-369. which finishes what I wanted to know
of this book — Confucius as a moralist, is far superior
to the other two— but how poor all their laws appear
when compared' with the noble system I have been
reading in Blackstone.

September 19. In Philadelphia since the 12th — on
the 14th I entered myself a student of law in the office
Mr. J. Ingersoll — To-day I was engaged in writing
off a copy of my si)eech to send to England —

September 21. Yesterday and to-day 1 was finish-
ing my speech and writing letters &c. to England —
also did a French & Italian lesson.

September 22. This day I read 38 chapters of Herod-
otus — ^p. 74-90 which finishes Clio— I had formed a
plan to read the Greek historians regularly thro* but
in a month I am obliged to alter it — every page of law
shews the absolute necessity of an intimate acquaint-
ance with modem history — ^I shall therefore turn to
that leaving Herodotus to some future day — ^but shall
first make an abstract of Clio and some maps to ex-
emplify it so that when I have leisure I may return
to it with advantage —

September 23. I this morning began Sullivan *s Lec-
tures on the laws of England — read the Introductory
discourse p. I-XLIH by Stuart — It seems strange
that Mr. Hume should so frequently & with so little
authority attempt to deny so many of the ancient liber-

^^tmmmmmmmmam^mmmmammmmammm^S^jaBm^ammmma^Bvmm

232 Extracts from a Common-Place Book.

ties of the commons of England — ^read also the 6 first
lectures p. 1-92 — Took my French & Italian lessons —

September 24. Bead Sullivan *s Lectures p. 92-210 —
the accoimt of the Feudal System appears a remark-
ably clear & excellent one so far — ^made an abstract
of Clio — See Common place Book — History.

September 25. Bead only 5 Lectures this morning
p 210-271 — ^took my French & Italian lessons — ^and
made a map of the world as known to Herodotus mark-
ing only the places mentioned in Clio

September 26. Made a map of Asia Minor as men-
tioned in Clio —

September 27. Bead Sullivan *s Lectures p 271-
403-fini8hed my maps in the afternoon.

September 28. Finished Sullivan *s Lectures p. 403-
538— a book of considerable information— it gives me
a much clearer idea of the feudal System than I had
before as well as of the rise and causes of many dif-
ferent tenures, fictions of law, &ca. — Began my course
of modem history with the 14th. Vol. of the Universal
History — ^it is my intention to take this as my text
book, and read Tacitus, Suetonius, Gibbon, &ca — as I
go on read to day from p 1-29. Also French & Italian
lesson —

September 29. Began Sullivan 's Lectures again and
read the Introduction & p 1-92 — also Universal Hist,
p 29-75. This part is taken almost literally from
Tacitus —

September 30. Bead Sullivan p 92-222 I took my
French & Italian lessons — In the afternoon read the
Universal History p 75-142. which brings us to the
death of Gtermanicus — ^the noblest, bravest & best man
whom Bome had seen for many years.

October 1. Bead Sullivan p 222-362. Also the Uni-
vers. Hist. p. 142-210 — ^when the wretdi Tiberius re-
tires to Capreae.

October 2. Finished this morning the second read-

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 233

ing of Sullivan's lectures p. 362-538. And besides my
French & Italian read Univers. Hist. p. 210-238 the
execution of Sejanus.

October 3. Read Univers. ffist. p. 238-262. which
finishes the reign of Tiberins.

October 4. I this morning examined myself on Sul-
livan and began again the 2d. Vol. of Blackstone — read
p. 1-44. Also read the reign of Gains Caligula in the
Univers. Hist. p. 262-325.

October 5. Took my Italian & French lessons, read
Bl. p 44-120, and the Univers. Hist, p 325-365— to the
death of Claudius

October 6. Eead Bl. p. 120-223 and Univers. History
p 365-467 — to the Death of the tyrant Nero — ^it is rather
curious that Lucan & Persius two of the boldest writers
of Rome should appear in so tyrannical an age — ^and
that poets so young should have left us such admirable
works — ^the 2d & 5th. Satires of Persius are amongst
the noblest remains of antiquity.

Nov. 2. Arrived at this period when according to
Mr. Gibbon the Decline of the Empire began I end the
first division of my history & return to consult the
original authors of that division and commence with
Tacitus — ^the perusal of whose works I regard with
more pleasure than those of any ancient writer.

November 4. Read 4 Bl. p 220-322— took my French
and Italian lessons — ^and began Tacitud — read his life
and the first 12 ch. p 1-11.

November 5. Finished the 2d reading of Blackstone
p. 322-443 — ^which has increased my admiration of his
noble work which can never be read too often — ^I only
wish I had the memory of Adrianus when I read it-
read 12 ch. of Tacitus, p. 11-15.

November 6. Busy all this morning at a map of the
western lands — ^wrote to England also took my French
& Italian lessons

November 14. All this last week I have been en-

234 Extracts from a Common-Place Booh.

gaged at a map of the western lands except that I have
read to the 75 ch. of 2. book of the Annals p. 15-61.

November 15 — I this morning began Lord Coke's
first Institute the commentary upon Littleton — the 8
vo. ed. in 3 vols witii Mr. Hargrave's notes — read to
day the various prefaces &ca p I-LVI. & part of the
1st Sect, f ol. 1-6 a — ^I also finished the 2d. book of the
Annals & read to c. 8 — 3. 1. — ^p 61-68.

November 16. Bead Co. Litt. to Sect. 6 & Tac. p
68-77 and took my French & Italian lessons —

November 17— Read Co. Litt— S. 6-18. and Tac. p.
77-85

November 18. Besides my Ital. & French I this
morning read Co. Litt — Sec. 18-36. which brings us to
the chap, on Dower — b& yet I have not come to any
thing so dry & disagreeable as I have been led to ex-
pect — ^and indeed I fancy these accusations generally
arise from the ignorance or idleness of the Student —
it has indeed as yet been quite entertaining — I also
finished the 3d. book of the Annals of Tacitus — ^p 85-92.

November 19. Bead Co Litt. Sec. 36-56 — ^which fin-
ishes the cap. on Dower some parts of which are not
quite so clear as the preceding —

November 20. Took my French & Italian lessons
and read Co Litt. to middle of Sect. 58 — ^a very little
but as I was engaged with some gentlemen yesterday
& to-day I could only read that & Tac. p 92-96

November 21. I made to day an Analysis of Span-
ish grammar as I wish to learn that language in the
course of the winter — ^I read also a few chapters of
Tacitus p. 96-102

November 22— Bead Co Litt. S. 58-68— and Tacitus
to c. 40 — His brevity is astonishing — ^the observations
in c. 32, 33, little more than J a page — ^would employ
many pages of the learned philosophers of the present
day —

November 23 — ^Bead Co Litt S. 68-85. which finishes

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 235

the first book — It would not do many landholders &
their officers the least harm to read Sir Ed. Coke's
advice to them & (whidi would be more difficult per-
haps) to follow it— vid. fol. 59, 61, 62. I also finished
the 4th book of the Annals — ^there is some mistake in
my edition I fancy at the end of the 40th. chapt. as the
sentence appears very confused — also took my French
& Italian lessons —

November 24. I was fully employed till dinner in
reading the note of Mr. Hargrave continued by Mr.
Butler on the feudal system — & consulting the authori-
ties — ^I do not see the use of introducing so much about
the civil law — ^the 3d & 6 Sect, are very useful to the
Student — read what remains of the 5th Book and to
the 11 ch. of 6th of Tacitus — Sejanus has gained but
posterity has lost much from the rapacity of time —

November 25. Began the 2d. book of Co Litt. & read
from S. 85-96 and Tacitus p 130-138— and my French
& Italian.

November 26. Bead Co Litt S. 96-107— few better
instances of his quaintness can be found than the last
passage p. 71a — ^and finished the 6th book of Tacitus —

December 31. Bead Co Litt S. 734 to the end —
which finishes Co. Litt. with the year — on looking over
the studies of the year, I do not find any reason to
reproach myself with idleness tho' I hope next year
by adopting a more regular system I shall be able to
read more — since leaving college (where I was the first
six months of the year) — I have read Sir W Black-
stone's Commentaries twice attentively — Sullivan's
Lectures also twice — ^Lord Cokes 1st Institute — ^All the
works of Tacitus & a number of less important works
— & since I returned to Philadelphia half the day has
generally been employed in writing at the ofl5ce.

February 1. (1820.) During the last month I have
been very idle and gone out a great deal, I have also
neglected the languages very much and it is therefore

wmm

236 Extracts from a Common-Place Book.

my intention to turn over a new leaf and be more in-
dustrious ; as there are exactly 6 languages that I wish
to perfect myself in I shall devote an evening to each
every week, Monday, English, Tuesday Latin, Wednes-
day, Q'reek; Thursday French, Friday Italian, Satur-
day Spanish.

February 19. Having some writing in the morning
I did not think it worth while to begin Bacon as it was
Saturday, but perhaps the true reason was that I
wished to read Ivanhoe a new novel by the best of
novel-writers. Perhaps I spent the day very idly but
I am not of the same opinion as many persons that
reading a novel occasionally is either a very great
waste of time or that it renders the mind unfit for other
studies — There is no character I despise more than
a novel reader that is one who can pore forever over
the trash of a circulating library and enjoy nothing
else, and then it is I grant a waste of time and very
injurious to the mind. A good novel instructs us more
in the manner of the age and cotmtry where the scene
is laid than auy other kind of writing, and we are told
by Florian that when he had searched in vain all the
other records of Moorish Spain he found in their
romances the most useful and important fund of in-
formation. But to me I confess the chief inducement
to read a novel is the entertainment it affords — ^the
mind sometimes becomes wearied with the sameness or
the obscurity of a law treatise — tiiere are times when
history itself cannot please — ^and then it is that the
relaxation of poetry or a novel makes us return them
with new vigor — Cato and Camden it is said, and surely
they will not be called weak and indolent, learnt new
languages at an advanced period of their lives merely
to read the fictitious tales of Greece and Spain.

It is long since I have read a novel and shall not
perhaps look at one again for many months ; but I am
confident that I shall not study ** Pleas and Pleading' '

■ lUi ^M^— ^rjp^T'M^^^p^r^^^'^— J ^ "^'

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 237

with less attention, while I am sure that I have derived
a great deal of inf onnation as well as pleasure, from
reading Ivanhoe.

June 12. Sir John Fortescue was bom about the
year 1390 — We are accustomed to look upon this as a
barbarous period — ^but this work shews the marks of
a well cultivated, as well as noble mind, and is admir-
ably calculated to increase our esteem for a system of
laws which tho greatly altered in the course of four
centuries (perhaps in some cases for the worse) are
eminently calculated to promote the freedom and hap-
piness of the subject — ^he has selected with great judg-
ment the points of comparison between his own & the
civil law — so as not to leave room for a moment's hesi-
tation on its superiority — & tho the latin may not bear
a comparison with that of the augustan age, it is cer-
tainly far superior to that of most Law writers of the
same period, and indeed many parts of the work are
written with remarkable strength and beauty.

Jxme 13 — ^As I do not wish to begin my Ld Coke be-
fore I go into the country I have determined to read
2 short but very important works Gilbert's & Wright's
Tenures — ^began the former & read to day the pref . &
p 1-32. and Dio * p. 746-753.— I think Caligula was the
most extraordinary character I have ever read of — he
seems to have lookd upon the senators as the most con-
summate fools, & to have treated them as such with
all the coolness imaginable — ^It is impossible to refrain
from smiling at his speech to the senate p. 748.

June 22. Eead Wrights Tenures p. 57-134 — ^I also
looked over the last number of the Edinburgh Eeview
(65), but only found time to read the 2 articles which
appeard most interesting, the first, & the last — ^the first
a splendid critique on Ivanhoe & worthy of that inimit-
able work — ^nothing but prejudice however could ui-

* Cassius.

Vol. XLV.— 17

238 Extracts from a Common-Place Book.

dnce them to think it inferior to any but Old Mortality
— the critique on Dtemosthenes gives the truest char-
acter of that great orator, that I ever recollect to have
met with — From the small number of his orations that
I have read — ^perhaps I am not able to appreciate his
merits — ^but three or four Phillippics have taught me
to join almost with enthusiasm in an opinion which
has remained the same and nearly uncontested for two
thousand years — the critic has truly said that he is
*' without any ostentation of profound reflection or
philosophical remark — ^without the glare & attraction
of prominent ornaments" — ^in Demosthenes we never
think of the beauty of the language, whilst in Cicero
we stop often to admire the finely tumd period, & ele-
gance of expression — ^but in Demosthenes it is the sovl
which pervades every word, which strengthens & con-
nects every argument, which leads us irresistibly —
not to admiration of the speaker — ^to conviction — he
stops to* catch a figure — ^to polish an expression — ^but
with his eye & his thoughts fixed on one object — he
rushes to it and bears along the opinions of his heal*ers
by a simplicity, a strength, a closeness of argument
which joined to the vigour, and correctness of his
language — ^rendered the opposition of the talents and
corruption of Athens alike unavailing — ^No remark is
more correct than that *'the vigor, the sublimity of
Demosthenes of which we read so much is not discov-
erable in detachd parts — ^in striking & brilliant pas-
sages, but in the effect of the whole** At first I was
accustomed to look for & read these passages & was
uniformly disappointed — ^it was not til I had read the
whole, that I was at all able to judge of them — & it a
pleasure to me that that judgment has not differd from
that of the greatest men of all ages — The remark of the
critic is, from my own experience, as true in opinion
as beautiful in expression — ^**that an attempt to give
the effect of any of his orations by selection, or the

■V^i!^PMiPi^Hai|9<^^iPHH

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 239

merit of the whole by splendid passages, would be as
hopeless as to produce an adequate idea of the bound-
ing elasticity— ^tiie matchless symmetry and etherial
attitude of the entire Apollo, by the production of a
finger or an ear*' —

October 7. I this morning again closed my Ld. Coke
— ^I find that I have been considerably longer reading
it tiian I was last year. Tho I have no reason to alter
ihe opinion I then formed of it. If it be true that to
appreciate the beauties & know the excellencies and
advantages of the English language we must devote
our days and ni^ts to Addison — ^it is not less true that
to imderstand the english laws we must apply to the
writings of Sir Edward Coke with unwearied diligence
the maxim of Horatius ^^noctuma versate manu, ver-
sate diuma".

Oct. 8. I have now arrived at the close of another
year and on looking over my different stories and the
amount of them I do not think that I have been idle
tho I might have been more industrious — ^I have been
gradually forming more regular habits of study and I
am firmly convinced that only by so doing shall I be
enabled to devote my self to it as I ought and I hope
that at the end of the succeeding year I shall have it
in my power to look back to my studies with still
greater satisfaction — My knowledge of law the great
and important object of my labors has I hope and I
think widely expanded but it is a science which requires
a greater exercise of the mind and the memory than
any I have yet engaged in and I am not discouraged
that my long and patient labors should sometimes be
forgotten in a few months. From my historical and
miscellaneous reading I have derived each day new
pleasures and I have found that it is in the original
writers that the mind will be best satisfied — ^that the
waters are purest at the fountain whence they spring.

I have become a good f rench scholar and seldom find

240 Extracts from a Common-Place Book.

myself at a loss in reading that language — while I have
learned to appreciate the beauties of the italian, a
delightful language which I shall continue to cultivate
with diligence — ^I have not neglected however, for the
more elegant pursuits of literature, those branches of
natural science which should never be forgotten en-
tirely amidst our other occupations and I have been
able by devoting a leisure hour still to keep the recol-
lection of them in my mind.

March 17. (1821.) Read Tidd's Eeferences 254-260
— I spent my leisure yesterday & to day in skimming
over a book I have long wished to see — ^P^tronius Ar-
biter — & I find it much less gay & interesting than I had
expected and far more indelicate — ^yet I could not help
smiling at the eagerness with which the old commenta-
tors introduce all that is indecent to illustrate him — The
edition which I read is one whidi swells to 886 pages a
text that might be contained with ease in 50 many are
intirely composed of notes few contain more than 5 or
6 lines of the text. It may well be imagined I did not
read all this voluminous nonsense —

August 5. Sunday. Tin. Hist, to the end of ch. 12 —
Such is the end of this mighty empire 2,200 years after
Romulus had just collected his robbers on the seven
hills — The boldness of youth — ^the glories of manhood
are not disgraced in the last moments of dissolution
and I am not ashamed to drop a tear at the late tho
inevitable fate.

I have now traced it gradually rising by prudence
or by arms from the crafty but politic Octavius to the
warlike Trajan & virtuous Aurelins — a point at whidi
historians have presumed to fix the era of greatness —
I have seen the darkness which veiled the earlier &
doubtful ages of decline brightened for a moment by
the maturity of the youthful Alexander — ^the courage
& conquests of Aurelian— or the virtues of Tacitus
and Florian men not unworthy of the ancestor whom

Extracts from a Common-Place Booh. 241

they claimed — ^I have seen the energy of a single em-
peror establish a new religion and a new metropolis -
a religion which has spread over the most celebrated
nations & often triumphed over the temporal power
but which in the East was taught to bow to the just
& prudent authority of the emperors till it gave way to
the victorious arms of an infidel & a barbarian — ^I have
traced the empire reviving with ancient lustre tmder
lulian — ^the prince — the soldier — the philosopher —
brightening for a moment from the splendor of the
generals & lawyers of lustanian — ^then gradually sink-
ing thro the course of 900 years by internal weakness
& external power till it was bounded by the most of
Constantinople — ^at last while the crescent was plant-
ing on the walls ; the cross gleamed for an instant from
the virtues of the last Constantine and then sunk for
ever — ^Perhaps the first Caesar who fell beneath the
avenging dagger of Brutus in raising tiie mighty fabric
might envy the last of his imperial race who ably re-
fused to survive the accumulated ruin of fifteen ages
& willingly sunk the last of the empire of Eome.

August 6. I abstracted & reduced to writing the
cases & points in the last section of Mr. Feame.

September 1. Since my father has been ill I have
not read regularly tho I believe I have not any day
entirely neglected my law or my history. I have read
Feame — ^thro the section on executed & executory
trusts & the cases particularly the two long reports of
Bagshaw & Spencer in Collect. lur. 280-310— A 2 Atk
570-584 & supposed by the masterly comments of Mr.
Feame I have presumed to differ with lord Hard-
wicke — ^I have also gone thro the three sections on Per-
rin & Blake twice & shall finish the subject, I hope to-
morrow, by reading the different reports of that
celebrated case — ^I have finished the history of the
Goths — of the Ostrogoths in Italy — of the Vandals —

242 Extracts from a Common-Place Booh.

& of the Snevians in the 19th volume of the Universal
History.

September 2. Bead the report of Perrin & Blake in
4 Burr. — Black, Bep. — ^Doug. — Collect: lurid: — &
Sir. W. Blackstone 's argument in Cam. Scac : — ^the last
& Yates* I opinion in Collect: lur. are admirable —
It is not a little surprising that the greatest chancellor
& greatest judge that England has ever had sh'd each
have endeavored thus to break thro an established law
& introduce an arbitrary & discretionary rule in its
place — read Un. Hist, of the Franks to 377.

An Early Description of Pennsylvania. 243

AN EAELY DESCRIPTION OF PENNSYLVANIA.

I^TTEB OP CHBISTOPHEB 80WEB, WBITTEN IN 1724, DE-
SCRIBING CONDITIONS IN PHILADELPHIA AND VICIN-
ITY, AND THE SEA VOYAGE FBOM EUBOPE.^

CONTRIBUTED BY PROFESSOR R. W. KELSEY

Hsverf ord College, Pa.

Johann Christoph Sauer (Christopher Sower), the
writer of the following letter, was bom 1693 in Laa-
sphe, a village not far from Marburg, Germany. He
came to America in 1724 with his wife and their infant
son Christopher (bom 1721). In the spring of 1725
the family removed to Ephrata, Pa., where they re-
mained about six years. In 1731 they returned to
Gtermantown and settled there permanently. Christo-
pher Sower, the elder, died in 1758.

He was a pharmacist by trade, but is best known for
his publishing activities. In 1738 he received a print-
ing outfit from Gtermany and began at once to print in
Gterman for his fellow countrymen in America. Alto-
gether he published over two hundred works in Ger-
man and English, most of them of a religious nature.
His son Christopher became the well-known Bishop of
the Church of the Bretiiren, in Germantown. The
name of the first Christopher Sower, printer and pub-
lisher, is still retained by the Christopher Sower Pub-
lishing Company, of Philadelphia. — ^For further details
of the life of the first immigrant see Charles G. Sower,
Genealogical Chart of Descendants of Christopher
Sower. Philadelphia, 1887.

^A transcription of the German original of this letter may be
examined in the Library of Haverford OoUege.

244 An Early Description of Pennsylvania.

The German original of the following letter is in the
library of the -University of Gottingen, Germany. In
the labor of transcribing and translating it, the chief
credit should go to my former teacher, Dr. Adolph
Gerber. The letter, apart from its important histori-
cal data, is so full of human aspiration, religious sin-
cerity, and wonder stories of the New World, as to
deserve a permanent place in the romance of early
Pennsylvania.

R. W. Kelsey
Letter

Germantown, Dec. 1, 1724.

Dear brothers and friends,

Since I left all of you, dear friends, and promised to
write how we arrived here in America and how we
lived, many have desired in addition that I should re-
port somewhat more in detail on the quality of this
country. Since it is not possible to make a special
report to each one, many may make shift with one
account.

The sea voyage has been reported upon. I, there-
fore, pass it over and will say in short that we sailed
in 16 hours from Holland to England and arrived there,
at Dover, where our ship was cleared. We were, how-
ever, obliged to wait there about 3 weeks for a favor-
able wind. We were out 6 weeks and 3 days from land
to land and had neither hot nor cold weather, also little
storm, but as pleasant weather as in the month of May.
During the greatest storm we were all, my wife and
children, on deck by the fire, and baking cookies. Nor
did we hear of any man that was afraid of the sea and
the storm. The Palatines had their fun with it. When
our ship would sometimes roll or pitch, they said:
*'The lion has fetched another mouthful of water. *^
My wife said: *'I thought people would be afraid if
they saw nothing but sky and water." Our troubles
were only : 1. That we had not taken an extra ration

^r^>^

An Early Description of Pennsylvania. 245

of water along, instead of believing the captain so fully
that he would give us as much as we wanted. There
were 3 liters of water per 5 persons per day, which to
be sure would have sufficed for extra cooking, but the
beer was used up too soon. 2. The meat was over-
salted. 3. The cod-fish was soaked in fresh water, to
be sure, but cooked in the same water in which it was
soaked. 4. All people on shipboard got lice. 5. The
greatest trouble was that there were too many people,
so that quarters were restricted, and with many there
was not a little stench. Yet we did not suffer from it
because we three families had larger accommodations
than the others.

During this voyage, of 6 weeks and 3 days, we lacked
only the necessary east wind, and were obliged to sail
with nothing but tack and head-winds, and it was won-
derful that the sailors knew so exactly in what part
of the sea they were. It is 1100 leagues from England
to this coast, and yet the head-helmsman, though he is
a young man and had never made this voyage before,
hit it within three hours when we should see land. Be-
cause we had a strong wind, we got, however, a distance
of 23 leagues to the left side of the river called Dela^
ware. Q-od, however, sent us a south wind which
carried us in one day into the river. When evening
came all were full of joy because we saw the river.
When almost everybody had gone to bed the helmsman
begged the captain, since they were close to a sand-
bank which barred the river, to cast anchor tmtil day-
break; otherwise they would be in danger, as there
were only 12 feet of water at that place. The captain,
however, was not willing, but thought of still getting
into the river. While the captain was still consulting
with the sailors, the prow of the ship struck the sand-
bank although they had scarcely advanced a stone *s
throw after they had cast the plummet and still found
7 fathoms. And because the bank was hilly, the ship

246 An Early Description of Pennsylvania.

struck ground as many as 18 times, so that we thou^t
it would go to pieces. Then the people came running
out in their night^shirts. Simultaneously there were
heard cries of distress from young and old, but I and
2 other men were without fear. My wife lay quite still
and our child slept and did not wake up. In the mean-
time I remained firm in the hope that none of us would
come into danger. The captain cried aloud and grew
quite pale. Because, however, all sails were still set,
the wind lifted the ship from one hill to the other. Then
they wished to cut the mast. The head helmsman
wished to have the three boats lowered and the people
taken ashore, for we were scarcely half a league away
from it. The captain forbade it because he was afraid
everybody might desire to be first and therefore they
might get drowned sooner than in the ship. When this
distress had lasted a quarter of an hour, we were in
deep water again. There we rode at anchor until day-
break and got a favorable wind.

Now we were still 100 miles from the boundary of
Pennsylvania and instead of taking 8 to 10 days, as
many do in getting up the river, we, with an extraor-
dinarily good wind, arrived at Philadelphia Sunday
noon, October first, and while they were casting anchor
in the river they fired 22 guns. Then a great crowd
of people came running to see the new comers. Then
people came and brought apples to divide among the
people [passengers], others brou^t fresh bread and
the like, and when I went ashore a man came up to me
and asked whether I was free and did not owe any-
thing. I said I did not owe the captain anything, but
I had to pay something to a Palatine for brandy. The
man went to get 20 Florins with which I was to pay
and make my start. N. N. are now free. They are
living together and have their place free from debt
this winter aad they have been offered, if they desired
an allotment for pastures and fields, to get as much as

^P^W^^W^^^B!^

An Early Description of Pennsylvania. 247

they wiEtnted ; they might also cut wood free of charge.
There have also been made considerable contributions
for them. N. is also free and his friends in Holland
have raised 288 Florins for him. I myself, however,
who had not been suffering any want, was given 10
Florins by some one without my desire. Then I bought
some tin because earthenware was said to be very high
here. Thus the Lord has taken us safely to this coun-
try. His name be praised.

Scarcely had I arrived here when I was offered a
vocation, as a foundry was to be constructed. I was
to superintend it and, in order to be all the more faith-
ful, I was to have an interest in the foundry and its
returns. But because I said that I felt no special in-
clination and besides had no money for the construc-
tion, they wanted to advance me up to 1000 Thaler and
compensate me for losses. I said however that I felt
no inclination and did not aspire to great things in this
world and went away, rented a house and moved in.
Then there came one good friend after another and
they brought me very many apples, whole baskets full,
also nuts, wine, spelt, wheat, bread, eggs, turnips,
cabbage, dried pears, buckwheat, chickens, pork and
beef, of which I have salted 120 poimds, and presents
are coming from a distance of 20 leagues [i. e. 60 miles]
for the newly arrived Schwartzenau people.

For the rest we have nearly all been ill and those
who had been well on shipboard have become ill here,
also people with the strongest constitutions. Those
however who come here weakly and sickly generally
grow strong again and live to old age, the doctors say.
Because they make a change of sky and earth, water
and air, food and drink, they generally grow strong
and their whole constitution changes.

Because one may hold here as much property as one
wishes, also pay for it when one desires, everybody
hurries to take up some property. One may choose

248 An Early Description of Pennsylva/nia.

where one pleases. The farther one goes, the better
it is. This continent, as may be seen on the map, is
ahnost as large as the other three continents together
and has south of New England, say Spain, Virginia,
Ne-gro-land, Pennsylvania; north of New Etngland,
New Holland, the borders of York, New France, unto
the region lying beyond us, which cannot be inhabited
on account of the cold. The farther the Germans and
English cultivate this coimtry, the farther the Indians
retreat. They are our nearest neighbors and quite
agreeable and peaceable. They would rather harm
their own king than a Grerman; they have very simple
clothing. They do not gather more than they expect to
eat. If a man's wife dies between seed-titne and har-
vest, he gathers only for himself ; the remainder is left
standing. The traders take a few pounds of powder
and lead and fetch for them whole wagon loads of ox-
hides, deer-skins and bear-skins. There is also an ex-
cellent method of leather dressing known here, such
that a tawer with his own hand may completely dress
20 deer-skins in about 2 or 3 days so that they may be
wrought by the tailor. Hence leather is very cheap and
is worn much, and an honest old friend told me that in
summer on warm days one may shoot a deer, dress the
skin, and wear a pair of pants from it on the body
within 24 hours.

As for the savages, they are dark yellow, believe that
there is a God who has created everything and are
very much afraid to commit a sin. They believe God
does not like it and is looking on. If one has committed
a fornication, they stone him to death by the roadside
right away and anyone who within 20 years passes by
where the malefactor lies, seeks a rock and increases
the pile to show the All-seeing that he has a horror of
such uncleanliness. They also believe that, when they
are dead, and have lived such a life that the Pure One
was not pleased with it, they will go to the North where

An Early Description of Pennsylva/nia. 249

it is very cold; in that land there is a bad ruler who
torments them and lets them suffer from the cold. On
the other hand the good go to the South where it is
nice and warm, and a good ruler receives them kindly.
They think more of a hen that is laying eggs than of
some ducats. They make baskets and brooms and bring
them here or to Philadelphia and accept blue blankets
and red stockings, knives, etc., in exchange. The wise
know full well the meaning of the godhead and call
God in their language **Acs.*' and speak of him with
fear, saying that the Acs sees it. Other simple minded
ones say that the Acs at first made only one man and
woman. At that time the garden in which he placed
them was only small. But now that men had become
many, the garden also lias grown larger ; and similar
simple minded talk. They are putting most Europeans
to shame by their behavior.

The Pennsylvania borders lie between other well
settled countries, most of them belonging to the Bang
of England. This country also is pretty well settled
and is said to have over 100,000 inhabitants, consisting
of French, Welsh, Swedes, Dutch and Germans. There
are some companies in this cotmtry that have bought
it of William Penn, to whom the king and his heirs
have granted it. Here may one select a piece [of land]
where one desires, near or far. All inhabitants of this
country are free to live quietly and piously by them-
selves and everybody may believe what he chooses.

Whether the land be good or bad is seen by the trees.
Where there are many chestnuts and alder trees grow-
ing, the soil is somewhat poor, but where there are
many cedars, walnut trees, white and black oaks, sassa-
fras, poplars, beeches and the like, there it is better.
In short, this country is a very good and blessed land
before many other countrieo and must be called, as it
were, an earthly paradise. Also everything is growing
nice, straight, high and fast. Many people make a liv-

250 An Early Description of Pennsylva/nia.

ing by planting fruit trees and selling the yonng trees
so tiiat, when somebody chooses a farm, he may at
once have fruit trees and plant them and gather from
them the first year. But if one sows seeds himself, he
may have fruit from them in 5 years. The land is not
really dear. One takes up 200 acres, promises to pay,
by installments, witiiin 10 years, and instead clears off
his debt in 5 years. According as the land is near or
far from the city [prices vary]. Near the city it is
high. An acre of woodland is purchased for 1 Florin,
perhaps also for 2, 3, 4, or more,* according as it may
furnish good pasture. I scarcely know of any tree, any
herb, any animal which is with you that is not here;
any thorn, any thistles, any toads, any cuckoo. On the
other hand there are a thousand things more than with
you, whidi do not just occur to me, as sassafras, aloe,
myrrhs. Brazilwood, precious stones, white coral, lode-
stone in large quantities. Many a man has bought a
property for 100 Florins and found 1000 Florins in
gold, silver, copper ore, and people only lack smelters.
They gladly give a third part to him who can smelt. A
false rumor went out that I could smelt. I have there-
fore been pestered much by the poor people who were
gold and silver struck. There is also much copper ore
here. Iron stone occurs iu such great quantities that
it lies often for a space of some miles only knee-deep
in the ground, and is rich in iron. They say 100 poimds
of stone contains 70-80 poimds of iron. Up to the
present time the iron is not even melted, but they carry
the iron-stone right away to the forge and bake bars.
As far as one buys land by the water, so far also the
water is his. He may fish, dig, hunt there what he
wishes and is able to do. Neither in the country nor in
the city are any imposts known, no duty, no excise, no
contribution, in short nothing but a ground-rent of
about 20 Kreuzer on 100 acres and twice a year the
neighbors congregate to repair the roads. There are

An Early Description of Pennsylvania. 251

people who have been living here for 40 years and have
not seen a beggar in Philadelphia.

The land yields spelt, barley, wheat, oats, buckwheat,
tobacco, Indian com, also all your garden vegetables
in great abundance. I cannot describe all the fruit.
There are seven kinds of peaches. Many a man drinks
cherry-wine and cider the whole year; also brandy is
made of them. There is also plenty of domesticated
cattle. A fat ox of 5-600 pounds is wortii 10-12 Thaler,
a cow for 7-8 Thaler, a sheep 2 Florins, horses as with
you, a quart of wine 30, 40, 50 Kreuzer, the strong beer
3 Batzen^ the weak 6 Pfennig.

Artisan's work is dear. The English carpenters are
usually joiners at the same time and receive a Florin
a day aad board. The carpenters who work on the
ships — for there are many ships building here — ^get 1
Thaler 1 Groschen per day. Turner's work is very
dear, a spinning wheel 5 Florins. There are no stock-
ing weavers at all in this country. Stockings are there-
fore dear. A Thaler is paid to knit a pair of stockings
and the knitters have plenty to do. The linen-weavers
have three times as high wages as with you. An in-
dnstrious spinning-girl earns 5 Groschen per day.
Four Grosdien are paid for carding a pound of wool.
A day laborer gets 10, 12, 15 Groschen per day, and
21 times a week meat with his board; in winter 8
Groschen and his board and nobody works longer than
while the sun is shining. The day, however, is in sum-
mer 2 hours shorter and in winter 2 hours longer:
There is also a special lack of rope makers here. The
hemp which is raised here has therefore to be exported
elsewhere in order to make the ropes needed for ship-
building here. A quart of fish oil is 6 Groschen, honey
10 Groschen a quart, a poimd of soap 4 Groschen, a
pound of feathers 10 Groschen. There is no lack of
chickens, geese, ducks and the like. A pound of butter

252 An Early Description of Pennsylvcmia.

is 2 or 2^ Groschen, occasionally 3 Groschen; 12 eggs
1 Groschen. All spices are twice as high as with yon
except that which grows in this country and looks like
pepper. A pound of steel is 8 Groschen, a quire of pa-
per 8 Groschen, — the poor kind that is made here, 5
Groschen. As for mills there are no more than 100 in
this country. The miller takes the tenth part and has it
run through only once. He who wants tiie bran has to
separate it from the flour himself. There are also
bolters in this coimtry so that one may have the flour
as fine as one desires. I know of 5 fulling mills. A
farm hand gets 100 Florins a year, a girl 50 Florins.
There is a lack of all artisans, for, when an artisan
has collected a sum of money in 3 or 4 years, maybe
even ia 1 or 2 years, he buys a farm and mo;es into
the country.

There are found few stables and bams here, for they
put the grain up in round piles and thresh it in good
weather on the ground and because there are scarcely
3 or 4 days of really cold weather when ice appears,
they let their cattle run summer and winter in their
inclosed woodlands. They either fell the large trees
or take young stems and place them one upon another
to the height of 6 feet and then let all cattle go where
they please. They provide all the large cattle with
bells of different tones in order to be able to find them
among the many in case the farm is large, for every-
body reserves woodland and firewood for himself. A
teamster asks 5 Florins to drive a cart of wood to
which he hitches 5 little horses.

House rent is high because the houses are all built
of bricks. The city has already 2000 houses occupied
chiefly by English Quakers and merchants; it is situa-
ted right on the river Delaware, as Mainz or Cologne on
the Rhine, and has 2 fairs a year. According to appear-
ances, plainness is vanishing pretty much. The dear

"*-v^-

An Early Description of Pennsylvcmia. 253

old folks, most of whom are dead by this time, may
have spoken to their children a good deal about plain-
ness. It is still noticeable in the clothes except that
the material is very costly, or is even velvet. Anything
may be had at Flhiladelphia, but everything is twice as
dear. A bottle of Cologne water of 15 Pfennig is here
5 Groschen, an ivory comb 1 Groschen [Florin?], a
dozen brass buttons, which cost 5, 6, -7 Kreutzer with
yon, 6-10 Groschen. The wholesale trade is very brisk
on account of the adjoining countries. The Palatineii
have brought very many goods with them so that many
a man has made up to 600 Florins by this trip, for
everything was free because it was not examined in
England. There were among the people some who to
my knowledge had 40,000 sewing needles, a hundred
of which cost in Holland up to 10 Groschen, here 2
Thaler. One had sold 300 scythes here at 20 Groschen
each. Gunpowder is 4 Groschen a pound in Holland,
here 17 Groschen, a scythe-stone 1 Groschen, here 8
Groschen, and one had several hundred stones etc., etc.
P. S. I wrote you, when the first vessel left here,
by what means a poor man, who has not even 5, 6, 7
Thaler, may come over here. Now if God wishes to
have you come here, he will also give you ways and
means to do so. In case Mr. Kuster, as he desires,
should obtain free passage from the king, see to it that,
apart from the ship^s fare, you provide yourself with
such food as you are accustomed to, dried bread,
sausages, flour, butter, dried fruit, and something to
move the bowels, because one easily gets constipated
on shipboard. And if you, dear friends, should be
expelled from a place and Gtod should desire to lead
you here, cling then firmly to the arm of God, as chil-
dren are wont to do, and do not worry, for where a
father goes, who has plenty of everything, the children
may easily follow. In all your doings let this be your

Vol. XLV.— 18

254 An Earljf Description of Pennsylvania.

touch-stone, whether your heart is earthly. Seek only
heavenly things, otherwise earthly things may flee
away, or yon may have to leave them. May God goide
yon according to His will 1 I greet yon all and remain,

Yonrs affectionately,

Joh. Chri^toph Saner
Germantown, 2 leagues from Philadelphia, Dec, 1, 1724.

Robert Street, Artist. 255

EOBEET STREET, AETIST.

Robert Street, paiater of portraits and historical
subjects, was for many years a resident of Philadel-
phia, where he did much excellent work.

He was bom in 1796, and exhibited in the Pennsyl-
vania Academy of the Fine Arts during the period
between 1815-1817. In 1824 his portraits were shown
in Washington, D. C, where he painted several well-
known men. In 1835 Dunlap records the death of
Street and the artist had the most unique experience
of calling the author's attention to such a grave error.
Dunlap corrects his error with many apologies in the
New York Mirror of the issue of Feb. 28, 1835. In
1840, Robert Street held an exhibition of his work
showing over two hundred oil paintings of historical
subjects, landscapes, and portraits.

Catalogues of this exhibition are accessible, but un-
fortunately they give little valuable information re-
garding the portraits, as they are frequently recorded
as merely **a portrait of a lady'* or a ** portrait of a
gentleman.*' This Exhibition opened on November
18, 1840, at the Artists' Fund Hall, Philadelphia.

The following list of his paintings should be of in-
terest to the student of American Art, as little or noth-
ing has heretofore been published concerning the artist
or his work.

Mantle Fielding
Germantown, Phil'.

POBTBAITS.

De Bignis, Signor (vocalist). Exhibited at Artists'

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840.
Blackburn, Dr. (of Illinois). Exhibited at Artists'

Fund HaQ, Phila., 1840.

256 Robert Street, Artist.

Bonaparte, Joseph. Bust, 25" x 30". Owned by John

F. Lewis, Phila.
Chambers, Rev, John. Exhibited at Artists ' Fund Hall,

Phila., 1840.
Ghibson, John Bannister. Bust, 29"x36". Owned by

Law Association of Phila.
Pryor, Mr. Painted in 1821. Exhibited at Artists'

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840.
Rowland, Judge (of Phila.). Exhibited at Artists'

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840.
Russell, Henry (vocalist). Exhibited at Artists' Fund

Hall, Phila., 1840.
Shaw, Rosina (vocalist). Exhibited at Artists' Fund

Hall, Phila., 1840.
Shearer, Hon. Jacob. Exhibited at Artists' Fund Hall,

Phila., 1840.
Street, Mrs. Robt. (artist's wife). Exhibited at Artists'

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840.
Street (Son of Robert Street). Exhibited at Artists'

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840.
Washington, Geo. Bust, 25"x30". Owned by John

F. Lewis, Phila. (Founded on the Houdon bust.)

SUBJECT PAINTINGS AND VIEWS.

Maniac Assaulting His Keeper. Exhibited at Artists '

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840.
Prophecy of Simeon (size 9 ft. x 12 ft.). Exhibited at

Artists' Fund Hall, Philadelphia, 1840.
Vision of Heaven. Exhibited at Artists' Fund Hall,

Phila., 1840.
View on Chesapeake Bay. Exhibited at Artists ' Fund

HaQ, Phila., 1840.
View of Columbia Rail Boad Bridge. Exhibited at

Artists' Fund Hall, Phila., 1840.
View of Wissahickon Stream, Phila. Exhibited at

Artists' Fund Hall, Phila., 1840.

The Second Troop PhUadelphia City Cavalry. 257

THE SECOND TEOOP PHILADELPHIA CITY

CAVALEY.

BT W. A. NEWIl&N DOBLAND, A.M., M.D., ir.A.C.S.

Ifftjor, Mediekl Corp*, U. S. Army; formerly First Lieutenant and
Surgeon of the Troop (April 1, 1898-NoTember 10, 1003.)

[For Refereneet aee pages 278-29/.]

Captaiks of the Old Teoop

1. Owen Fanes, May, 1775— December 2, 1780

2. David Snyder, Deo. 2, 1780— April, 1786

3. Robert HopMna, April, 1786— May 24, 1788

4. William Bingham, May 24, 1788— May 11, 1792

5. Major William Jackson, May 11, 1792— July 9, 1793

6. Abraham Singer, July 9, 1793—1802

7. Joseph Borden McKean, 1802—1803

8. Thomas Willing Francis, 1803— May 7, 1810

9. Thomas Cadwalader, May 7, 1810— Aug. 1, 1814

10. William Rawle, Jr., Aug. 1, 1814^-1817

11. John Morris Scott, 1817—1819

12. Benjamin Say, 1819-^uly 10, 1822

13. Robert Mihior, July 10, 1822—1823
Lieutenant Commandant G«orge Heberton Van Gklder

1823— Nov. 1824

14. John Price Wetherill, Nov. 1824r-Nov. 1838

15. Thomas Tustin, Sept. 14, 1844^-April 2, 1846.

16. John Barington, April 2, 1846— Feb. 12, 1848

17. Charles H. Hunter, Feb. 14, 1848— August 20, 1850

Captains op the Pbesbitt Tboop
Lieut. Commandant Henry Douglas Hughes, Dec. 10,
1897.

^im

258 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Ganjolry.

Frank A. Edwards, December 10, 1897-^une 4,
1898.

Richard Tilghman, July 26, 1898— September 20,
1898.

Frank Earle Schermerhom, October 14, 1898 — Oc-
tober 22, 1908.

John Penman Wood, October 30, 1908 — ^February
20, 1911.

Charles Welsh Edmimds, March 3, 1911— July 7,
1914.

John William Good, July 16, 1914—

John Burton Mustin^ 1919^

Chapteb I

THE ORIGIN OP THE SECOND TBOOP.

The battle of Lexington was fought on April 19, 1775.
Five days later, on April 24, news of that memorable
event reached Philadelphia. At about five o'clock in
the afternoon of that day, a courier, a special express
from Trenton, dust-begrimed and travel-stained, gal-
loped down the Frankford road and into the bounds
of the city, stopping at each tavern on the way long
enough only to shout his stirring news, then on to the
city hall. The fight for national liberty was on, and
the next morning, April 25, everyone in the city of
Philadelphia knew it. The important Committee of
Correspondence of the City and County of Philadel-
phia, whose authority was recognized and accepted by
all, immediately convened and transacted what was, up
to that time, the most important business that had
come before it. A single brief resolution was passed:
— **To associate together, to defend with arms their
property, liberty, and lives against all attempts to de-
prive them of it.'* It was evident that the time for
organization, arming, drilling and marching had come.

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 259

At once active enrollment began. In order to provide
an armed force for the protection of the city it was
agreed that * * two troops of light horse, two companies
of riflemen, and two companies of artillery, with brass
and iron field-pieces ' ' should be provided immediately,*
There had already been organized, on November 17,

1774, a troop of light horse, under the captaincy of
Abraham Markoe, which ultimately became the famous
First City Troop of Philadelphia. Enrollment in the
other organizations authorized by the Committee pro-
ceeded actively. On May 1, 1775, it was reported
that * * Two troops of light horse are now raising. Two
companies of expert Riflemen, and two companies of
Artillerymen are forming. ^ ^ As early as May 10, 1775,
some of the companies were ready to parade to re-
ceive Congress and offer an honorable escort to John
Hancock. At that time ^^the foot company and the
riflemen turned out to meet the southern delegates to
Congress at Gray's Ferry. *'

April 25, 1775, must, therefore, be designated as the
date of origin of the Second Troop of Light Horse,
which in due course of time became known as the
Second Troop of Philadelphia Light Horse, and ul-
timately as the Second City Troop. So energetically*
was the drilling persisted in that as early as June,

1775, **the three battalions, mustering 1500 men, with
the artillery companyof 150 men and 6 guns (two 12
poimders and four brass 6 pounders), the troop of
light horse [First City Troop], and several companies
of light infantry, rangers,* and riflemen,^ in the whole
about 2000 men, marched to the commons^' and pub-
licly drilled. It was not until sometime later that the
Second Troop of Light Horse had acquired sufficient
proficiency in the manipulation of their horses and
accoutrements to appear in public.

For some time the two troops were indiscrimi-
nately known as Philadelphia Light Horse or Philadel-

260 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

phia Light Dragoons, but ultimately they were distin-
guished as the First and Second Troops, or were
frequently indicated by the names of their commanding
officers. The historical records prove that even ante-
dating the Eevolutionary period there was in
Philadelphia a body of horse known as ** Light
Dragoons, ^ ' which in all probability, was a survival of
the '^ Independent Troop of Horse of Philadelphia
City/* which was organized in 1756, and which served
creditably in the French and Indian War. It is in-
teresting to note on the muster-rolls of tiie Light
Dragoons of later date many of the names of the mem-
bers of the Independent Troop.

But little is known of the doings of the Second Troop
of Light Horse, which was authorized on April 25,
1775, during the first year of its existence. It is
recorded that in the last week of May, 1776, General
Washington, the members of Congress, and Generals
Gates and Thomas Mifflin received the four battalions,
the Bifle battalion, the Light Horse and three artillery
companies of the city militia, amounting to near 2500
men. In 1777, there is on file the first complete roster
of the Second Troop, which was designated the County
Troop, in order to distinguish it from the First, or
City, Troop. This is a muster of the ** Light Dra-
goons for the County of Philadelphia, with the Bat-
talion they belong to annexed to their names, indudng
part of the city. ' ' It is as follows : — ^

Captain, Owen Faries, 7.
Lieutena/nt, David Snyder.
Cornett, Casper Dull.

Dragoons.

•

' Griffith Jones, 7. " WiUiam Peast [Priest],

• Simon Bennett, 2. 2.

* George Haas, 7. " Jacob Benner, 7.

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 261

u
It

Samuel Neswanger, 2.

Charles Porter, 6,

Jacob Gross, 6.

Paul Cooklis [Corliest],
6.

Jacob Hopple, 2.

Andrew Keen, 2.

Jonathan Leech, 2.

Henry Miller, 6.

John Trocksell [Trox-
sell], 1,

Christian Steer, 6.

Isaac Humphreys [Hum-
phrey], 1.

Thomas Vanderslice, 6.

Robert Gregg, 1.

John Nice, 4.

John Hxmiphreys [Hxmi-
phrey], 1.

Jacob Markley, 4.

Jacob Wollery [Wool-
ery], 1.

" Josiah Pawling, 3.
"Nathan [Nathaniel] Vaur
sandt, 2.
Baker Bams, 1.
" Jacob Funk, City.
" Benjamin Watton [Wot-

ten], 2.
" Josiah Matlock [Mat-
lack], 2.
^ David Davis,

Bobert Hopkins, City,
" Isaac Keen, 2.
» Edward D^uffield.
^ Thomas Chappie [Chap-
pel], 2.
Abraham Duffield, 2.
" George Benner, City.
" John Brewner [Bruner] .
" Samuel Boucher [Butch-
er, 2.
Nathaniel Bellew.
John Braden,

**Wm. Coats, Lieut. Philadelphia County.*'

It is interesting to note that even at this early date
in the list of privates of the Troop appear many names
that ultimately became famous in Philadelphia annals,
such as Hopkins, Duffield, Keen, Hxmiphreys, Davis,
Jones, Leech and Matlack.

The Militia Law of the Commonwealth, enacted by
the General Assembly the 17th day of March, 1777, un-
der which the Troop had been included in the organized
militia of the city and county of Philadelphia, had
become inefficient and no longer answered the desired
purpose, A new law had become necessary, and an
excellent conception of the composition of a troop of
horse of this period may be entertained from the fol-

262 The Second Troop Ph4iadelphia City Cavalry.

lowing extracts, bearing upon the cavalry, taken from
the law enacted March 20, 1780 entitled '*An Act for
the Begolation of the Militia of the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania : ' ' — ^

**Sect. 8. And whereas it is expedient to embody
such a number of light horse as will be useful when the
militia is called into actual service; therefore,

Be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That each of the lieutenants of the several counties
of this state may form a corps of light horse, not to
exceed six privates for each battalion of infantry in
each county, to be taken distributively out of each,
in case volunteers offer; otherwise at large, through-
out the county; and the light horse shall be oflScered
as light horse usually are, and shall be subject to ap-
pear upon muster days, and shall turn out in classes as
other militia ; . . . .

* * Sect. 9. And be it further enacted by the authority
aforesaid. That the Troop of light horse in the city
of Philadelphia shall be limited to the number of fifty,
exclusive of oflScers ; the vacancies thereof to be filled
in the manner heretofore practiced ; and the said troop
shall be liable to appear on muster days, and to be
called out into service as other militia; and the light
horse of this state when in actual service shall be sub-
ject to the same rules and regulations as the foot militia,
and to like fines and penalties for neglect of meeting
on muster days or turning out on their tour when
thereunto called ; such fines and penalties to be appro-
priated as the fines and penalties for like offenses in
other cases. ' '

The two City Troops of Light Horse shared in the
honor of participating in the first celebration of the
Fourth of July, of which the following interesting ac-
count is preserved'*: — ^*'Last Friday the 4th of July,
[1777], being the anniversary of the Independence of
the United States of America, was celebrated in this

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 263

city with demonstrations of joy and festivity. About
noon all armed ships and gallies in the river were
drawn np before the city, dressed in the gayest man-
ner, with the colours of the United States and streamers
displayed. At one o'clock, the yards being properly
manned, they began the celebration of the day by a
discharge of thirteen cannon from each of the ships>,
and one from each of the thirteen gallies, in honor of
the Thirteen United States. In the afternoon an
elegant dinner was prepared for Congress, to which
were invited the President and Supreme Executive
Council, and Speaker of the Assembly of this State,
the Greneral OflScers and Colonels of the army, and
strangers of eminence, and the Members of the sev-
eral Continental Boards* in town. The Hessian band
of music, taken in Trenton the 26th of December last,
attended and heightened the festivity with some fine
performances suited to the joyous occasion, while a
corps of British deserters, taken into the service of the
continent by the State of Georgia, being drawn up be-
fore the door, filled up the intervals with feux de joie.
After dinner a number of toasts were drank all breath-
ing independence and a generous love of liberty, and
commemorating the memories of those brave and
worthy patriots who gallantly exposed their lives, and
fell gloriously in defence of freedom and the righteous
cause of their country. Each toast was followed by
a discharge of artillery and small arms, and a suitable
piece of music by the Hessian band. The glorious
fourth of July was reiterated three times, accompanied
with triple discharges of cannon and small arms,
and loud huzzas that resounded from street to street
through the city. Towards evening several troops of
horse, a corps of artillery, and a brigade of North
Carolina forces, which was in town on its way to join
the grand army, were drawn up in Second street, and
reviewed by Congress and the General OflScers. The

264 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

evening was closed with the ringing of bells, and at
night there was a grand exhibition of fire works (which
began and concluded with thirteen rockets) on the Com-
mons, and the city was beautifully illuminated. Every-
thing was conducted with the greatest order and de-
corum, and the face of joy and gladness was universal.
Thus may be the fourth of July, that glorious and
ever memorable day, be celebrated through America,
by the sons of freedom, from age to age till time shall
be no more. Amen and Amen.'*

The intense interest exhibited by Captain Faries in
the welfare of his Troop is shown by the following
letter which is characteristic of the time : — ^

**To His Excellency Joseph Beed Esq' President
of the Supreme Executive Council of the Com-
monwealth of Pennsylvania.
*' Esteemed Sir,

** Necessity absolute necessity, compels me to apply
in Behalf of the Troop raised in Philad* County, for
a few Horsemen Swords, as they cannot properly
Equip themselves under two months, knowing that it
is a Desire near to your Heart that they Should be
properly trained, it Lnboldened me to make this ap-
plication.

* * Suffer me to assure your Excellency that we shall
be ready at your call, & allways happy to have you
at the head of us.

** Should the favour be granted us of 30 Swords, I
will be accountable for them, & return them Whenever
I am ordered.

& I am Sir, with Esteem

Your most obe* servt.
^'GermanTown, 5*^May, 1780.'* ** Owen Ferris*'

What actual service the Troop saw during the earlier
Revolutionary times is not known. It is probable that
for a time, at least, it constituted a portion of the

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 265

Home Gxiard, and as such it is known to have partici-
pated on Tuesday, May 23d, 1780, in a review of the
militia of the city and adjoining districts by President
Steed of the State/^ Upon this occasion, **The Artil-
lery, Infantry and Light Horse, together amounted to
Two Thousand Nine Hundred and Sixty. The whole
made a very handsome appearance, and gave the
highest satisfaction to the friends of Liberty and the
Independence of America. Major-General St. Clair,
Major-General Wayne, and other Gentlemen of the
army were present : And the citizens under arms were
peculiarly gratified with the presence of his Excellency
the Chevalier de la Luzerne, Minister of France, who
has on all occasions shewn the closest attention to the
interest and honor of America, and on the present
occasion expressed great pleasure at the martial ap-
pearance of the militia.*'

President Beed was so pleased at the showing of
the military that he issued the following notice : — ^

* * The President of the State with pleasure embraces
the first public opportunity to thank the Gentlemen
of the Tboops op Light Hobse, of Artillery and
Infantry Miutia, for their numerous and military
appearance last Tuesday — so respectable a body of
Citizens armed in defence of American Liberty, after
five years cruel war waged against it, must afford true
delight to every lover of his country, and strike our
enemies, both internal and external, with despair. The
spirit and attention shown by the oflScers in so short
a time since their appointment, is a most happy omen
of their future improvement and success, and we may
justly flatter ourselves, that their example will diflhise
its influence through the whole State, combining the
three great qualities which constitute the Patriot Sol-
dier, Courage, Discipline, and an Ardent Love of his
Country.

266 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

Chaptbb n.

IN ACTIVE SEBVICB IN THE REVOLUTION.

Shortly after this review, on June 17, 1780, there
appeared another roster of the Troop." The officers
at this time were: —

Captain, Owen Faries.
First Lieutenant, John Dover.**
Second Lieutenant, David Snyder.

Cornet, Casper Dull.

The advance of the British forces toward Philadel-
phia brought to the Troop its first tour of duty. Late
in June, 1780, it was placed on waiting orders, as the
following letter indicates : — ^ •

'*To the Hon'ble, the Supreme Executive Council of the

State of Pennsylvania.
* * Gentlemen,

Agreeable to the Eesolve of Coimcil of 15th June
last, the Lieutenant of the County of Philadelphia begs
leave to report that in consequence of the orders con-
taiaed in said Eesolve, the Gbntlemen composing the
Troop of Light Dragoons, belonging to said County,
are duly noticed to hold themselves in readiness to
March at a short Notice, and Agreeable to Notice given
the Troop, Assembled together at Flower Town in said
County, on Monday, the 25th of June [1780], when
the Lieutenant had the Satisfaction to find the Troop
in General well mounted and Equipt.

*'I have the Honor to remain the Councils

Most Obed' Humble Servt.

**Wm. Coats, Lieut. C. P.''
^^Philada., July 5, 1780.''

Lnmediately after this the Troop was ordered into
active service, with the other Philadelphia troops, to

SFLHOIJKTTK OF COLONKL .JOHN DOVKR

in the poBM>4Bii>ii nf hin p'>iiiil<laiight*^r,

A. M. Stewnrt. of rhila<<i-)phia

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 267

take part in the New Jersey campaign which centered
in and around Trentoo/* During liiis tour of duty,
under its efficient captain, Owen Faries, it was called
upon to perform numerous and arduous tasks which
were all cheerfully and ably carried out, and that with-
out any compensation, at the time, from the Govern-
ment. For we learn that throughout this entire period
the Troop was compelled to rely for sustenance solely
upon its own financial resources, supplemented by the
generous liberality of its officers. At a subsequent date
an effort was made to secure from the State a re-
muneration for the funds thus consumed, and there is
extant a petition having this object in view, addressed
to the Governor of Pennsylvania, couched in the quaint
phraseology of the time and characterized by the usual
magnificently reckless disregard of the laws of orthog-
raphy, punctuation and capitalization : — ^*^ i

*'June ye 26th, 1781.

**To his Excellency the President & the Honourable
Council of the State of Pennsylvania.

**The Philadelphia County Light Horse being sen-
sible of the Respect and Attention that always should
be i>aid to our President, present their Compliments
and request that the Sixpences & Cost that occur 'd
last year when called to the City of Philadelphia and
from thence to Trenton; should be taken into Con-
sideration and that the Couinty Lieutenants should have
orders to adjust and pay them of, flattering ourselves
with the Hopes of that we marched with cheerfulness
and performed with Diligence Every order that was
Issued, we have not the least doubt but you are
Conscious of the Extravagant prices we paid whilst
we lay in the City and of the sums we laid out whilst
in the Jersey, as none of the Inhabitants would take no
Certificates when we ware sent on Command we beg
leave to assure you that there are several more Ex-

268 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

penses which we dont charge (tho' paid,) and Cannot
at present obtain receipts for. Now that we are called
to hold ourselves in readiness at a moments warning
we mean to obey with spirit and wish only for our
President to Command us.

**Col. Coats has assured us that he lay before your
Honorable Body our receipts for the sums we laid out
which we requested should be Liquidated.

** Signed in Behalf of the Troop.

*' David Snyder, Capten.
Abraham Duffield, Lt-
Casper Dull, Conf
* * Directed,
To His Excellency, Joseph Reed, Esq'., President of
;t Pennsylvania. ' '

This petition elicited the following response :— **

''Col. Wm. Coats, Lt. of P» C,
''Sir,

Having received an Account of the Expences of the
Philad. Light Horse during the late Tour, I embraced
the first opp^ to lay the same before the Council, who
are disposed to make every reasonable Gratification.
As it is the first Time we have had an Application of
this Nature & the Account only contains Names & Sums
it has been concluded to refer the Account to yourself,
Col. [George] Smith, & Col. [William] Dean« to liqui-
date, & after examining the vouchers to report to this
Board what Sum will be just and reasonable, having on
the one Hand due Regard to the Men & on the other
to the publick Interest, in which you will consider that
what is now done will on future Occasions be a Pre-
cedent, not only to this Troop, but to all others within

the State

"I am. Sir, with due Esteem

Your Obed. Hbbl. Serv.
"1781, July 12th. '^ "Joseph Reed.'^

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 269

The result of the investigatiaQ was as follows : — ^

**To His Excellency, Joseph Beed, Esq'., President
of the State of Peimsylvaaia.
^*Sir,

Agreahle to your order from Councill dated July
12th, we have call'd on the Gentlemen of the Troop
of Light Horse of the County of Philad% to produce
to us their accounts and Vouchers of their Expend-
itures when out on the last tour of Duty, and agreable
to Notiss given we had a full meeting, when it appeared
that part of the Troop that had done equal duty with
the others, had kept no account and had no Vouchers
to produce, not expecting to receive any compensation,
sixteen of the Troop produced Vouchers, from which
we where under the Necessity of Averaging a price ^
be allowed to each man when on Command by detach-
ment and where no Provision had been maid for their
support, aud after mature Consideration have agreed
that each Person be allowed for two meals ^ day, one
gill of Bum, twelve quarts of Oats and Hay at night
for his Horse, the sum of Six Shillings specie the ac-
count of the number of Days that each person searv'd
with the amount of what appears to us should be paid
him accompanies this, which we beg leave to lay before
Coxtocil, we have the Honour to remain your Exellen-
cies and the Councils most Obedient Humble Servants,

I **Wm. Coats, Lieutenant, C-P.

George Smith, Sub. Lieut. C.P.
Wm. Deak, Sub. Lieut. C.P.
**Philad* County Abington, August 18**, 1781.'^

One week after the receipt of this letter the minutes
of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania
show the following entry under the date of August 24,
1781: — ^^'An order was drawn on the Treasurer in
favor of Captain Snyder, of the Philadelphia County
Troop of Light Horse, for the sum of fifty-two pounds

Vol. XLV.— 19

270 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

fourteen shillings and six pence, State money, of the
seventh of April, 1781, amount of an account of the ex-
penses of the said troop while on command on a late
call of militia.*'" i

The active interest taken by Captain Fanes in the
cause of the Colonists up to the time of his retirement
from the Troop is shown by the following letter written
at this time, probably to the Commander of the Amer-
ican forces in the vicinity during the British occupa-
tion of Philadelphia : — ^*

**Sir, — The Bearer Mr. Eudy goes With four
Deserters which we took up back of Germantown in
the Woods concealed. Major Bensell was along with
me but we gave up any Claim to the Reward & hope
you will pay the four Militiamen who go along four
half Joes^' or the Exchange as it Will be a further
Incouragement to the people.

I am Your Most Obedt. Servt.
*' Germantown, 7 Oct, 1780.'' * '*Owen Ferris.''

About a month after the return of the Troop to
Philadelphia from the New Jersey campaign Captain
Faries was compelled to relinquish his command on
account of his removal from his home in Germantown
to Philadelphia. His resignation was announced on
November 20, 1780, and an election for his successor
was held on the morning of December 2d, according to
the following public notices: —

** Public Notice" is hereby given to the Gentlemen
of the Troop of Light Dragoons, of the County of
Philadelphia, That it is expected they will meet the
Lieutenant of the County on Monday, the 20"* instant,
at the House of Capt [Eobert] Greggs, late Wright's
Tavern, precisely at Eleven o 'Clock in the Morning,
on Business of Lnportance.

*^ William Coats,^^ Lieut. C.P."
''Philadelphia County, Nov. 14, 1780."

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 271

*' Public Notice'^* is hereby given to the Gentlemen
of the Tboop of Light Hobse of the County of Phila-
delphia, that on Saturday the 2^ of December next, at
Eleven 'Clock in the Morning, at the House of Cap-
tain [Robert] Gregs, late Wright's Tavern, An Elec-
tion will be held for the Choice of a Captain to
command the said Troop, the late Captain having
resigned. The Gentlemen are desired to be p»unctual
in their Attendamce, and are further Notified (by the
unanimous Vote of the Troop at their last Meeting)
that no Gentlemen will be allowed a Vote, unless he
appears properly uniformed and equipped.

'*Wm. Coats, Lieut. F.C'

''Philadelphia County, November 23,1780'*

David Snyder, the former Second Lieutenant of the
Troop, attained the captaincy at this time, while Abra-
ham Duffield was elected to the Lieutenaacy."

At this period in the history of the Troop as a mili-
tary organization there seems to have been in vogue
a system of rotation in office which was abolished at
a subsequent date. For we find, in 1777, a roster nam-
ing Owen Faries (or Farris — ^the orthography varies)
as captain. Three years later, in 1780, Faries is still
captain, John Dover holds the first lieutenancy, and
David Snyder the second lieutenancy. Toward the
close of the same year — 1780 — Snyder advances to the
captaincy, while Faries heads the list of privates, who
are designated in the official report as ** dragoons."
This may have been by special arrangement, however,
Faries having been satisfied with the honor of holding
the command of the Troop, and, not willing to sever
completely his connection with the organizatiotn, volun-
tarily relinquishing the obligations and burdens which
necessarily devolves upon the commanding officer, and
resuming his place in the rank and file. As far as we
know, there are but two other instances of such an

272 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

occurrence in the history of the Troop, namely, in the
cases of Captain William Rawle, Jr., and Captain
Benjamin Say, whose names are included in the rosters
of the Troop subsequent to their tenure of office.

The Troop remained at home for a year after the New
Jersey campaign. In April, 1781, the following notice
appeared :"

* * Public Notice is hereby given, To the Gentlemen
of the Tboop of Light Hobse for the county of Phila-
delphia, that Monday, the 21st of May, is appointed for
the Troop to meet, at the House of Captain [Robert]
Gbegs [sic] y id. said County, at Ten o'clock in the morn-
ing. It is expected that every Grentleman of the Troop
will appear properly Equipt and Accoutred, etc.

** William Coats, Lieutenant Philadelphia County. *'
*'April25, [1781]. '^

'On August 30, 1781, the Troop participated in an
escort to Gteneral Washington and other distinguished
officers who were about to leave the city for the cam-
paign in the South." Immediately following the depar-
ture of the American army on September 21st, *4t was
feared that the unprotected state of the country might
tempt the British to make a descent upon Philadelphia
from New York.'* The Pennsylvania militia were,
accordingly, ordered to hold themselves in readiness
for instant service, as the petition, already quoted,
states. A portion of the city and county troops, in-
cluding the light horse, together with commands from
other portions of the State, were ordered to rendezvous
at Newtown, Bucks County, and a lookout was also
established at Cape May.

John Humphreys was the Quartemmster of the
Troop at this time, and there is on record a series of
Quartermaster's Reports, signed by him, for rations
furnished ** Captain David Snyder's Troop of Light
Dragoons of Philadelphia County. *'•* From these re-
ports, which are here reproduced in full, we learn that

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 273

on September 27, 1781, the Troop mustered one captain,
one lieutenant, and twenty men in the rank and file.
Pour days later, on October 1, the roll showed one
captain, one lieutenant and thirty-four men in the rank
and file. On October 5, it included one captain, one
lieutenant, one quartermaster, and thirty-three men in
the rank and file; while on October 8, there are noted
one captain, one lieutenant, one comet, one quarter-
master, and thirty-four men in the rank and file — ^a
most curious condition of ebullition on troop affairs.
The Quartermaster's Beports for the Newtown cam-
paign are as follows : —

** Provision Betum for Capt. David Snyder's M. L.

Dragoons, Philada. County

Newtown September 27*^, 1781.
** David Snyder, Captain.

Capt Lt Bank ft file. Ratlona. Dayi. TotaL

1 1 20 22 2 44

'*Beced. the above.
John Humphrey, Qr. M.'*

** Provision Betum of Capt. David Snyder M. L.

Dragoons

^'Nutown September 29^ 1781.

Capt Lt Rank A file. for two days.

1 1 20 24 48

David Snyder, Captain
''Becd. forty Eight Bations.
John Humphrey, Q. M.^'

** Provision Betum for Capt. David Snyder T. L.

Dragoons.

Newtown October V^ 1781.

Capt Lt Bank A file. for two days.

1 1 34 38 76

** David Snyder, Captain.
^^Beceived Seventy Six Bations.
John Humphrey.'*

274 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

** Provision Betnm of Capt. David Snyders M. L.

Dragoons.

Newtown Oct. 3*^ 1781.

Capt. Lt Rank A file. for two dayi.

I 1 34 38 76

**AbrnL Doffield, Lieut.''

** Provision Return of Capt. David Snyders M. L.

Dragoons.

*^ Newtown Oct. 5^ 1781.

Capt Lt Or. M. Rank A file. For three or three days

days. Rations.

II 1 33 38 114

* * Sr. please Issue two Days Bum for the above men.

''By Order of J. Hanna, A. D. 0.
'*Colo. Crispin.

''David Snyder, Captain.
"Beceived one hundred and fourteen Bations for
three days provisions and two days Bum.

"John Humphrey."

"Provision Betum of Capt. David Snyder Light
Dragoon Philad^a County Militia.

"Newtown Octo'r 8^ 1781.

Captain. Lt Cornet Qr. M. Rank A file, for two days.

III 1 34 78

"David Snyder, Captain.
"Beceived seventy Eight Bations

"David Davis.''

"Provision Betum of Capt. David Snyder M. L.

Dragoons.

"Oct. 14^ 1781.

Capt Lt Comet Qr. M. Rank A file.

1 1 1 1 31 38 76 for two days.

David Snyder, Capt.
"Beceived Seventy Six Bations.

"John Humphrey, Q. M.''

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 275

** Provision Return of Capt. David Snyder's M. L.

Dragoons.

** Newtown Oct. 16^ 1781.

Capt. Lt Cornet Qr. M. Rank 6t file.

1 1 1 1 31 38 for one day.

** David Snyder, Captain.
*'Rec'd thirty Eight Rations.

*'John Humphrey, Q. M.''

* * This is to Certify that Samuel Butcher hat a four
Horse waggan to Haul the Baggage for the Troops of
Light Dragoons Philad'a County Militia in Lnploy-
ment for Twenty Two Days.
** Newtown October 16*^, 1781.

*' David Snyder, Capf

**To Col. [William] Dean, S. L. C. P.^'

The camp at Newtown was struck on October 20th,
the troops returning to Philadelphia. The surrender
of Lord Comwallis on October 19*^ virtually ended the
war, although the treaty of peace was not signed at
Paris until 1783. With the cessation of camp duty the
Troop resumed the usual routine of a militia organiza-
tion. On Saturday, November 3*, 1781, an interesting
event occurred. On that day twenty-four stands
of British colors, taken at Yorktowtn, reached Phila-
delphia and were escorted into town by the local volun-
teer cavalry including the city and county troops. The
trophies were carried down High [Market] street,
preceded by the French and American colors and taken
to the State House,*^ where they were presented to Con-
gress, thetti in session, and * * laid at their feet. ' '"

The usual spring and fall days of exercise, as ap-
I)ointed by the militia law, were carefully observed by
the Troop, as is indicated by the following public
notices :" —

** Philadelphia county, April 3, 1782. Notice ia
hereby given to the teoop of ught hobsb that they are

276 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

to meet Colonel [Eobert] Correy's" battalion, on Mon-
day the 27** of May; the place of rendezvous will be
at the late dwelling of Colonel Archibald Thomson"
[sic] J deceased, in Norrington [Noniton] Township :••
It is expected the troop will attend at eleven o'clock in
the morning, properly eqnipt and accontered [sic].
The fines for non-attendance are as follows : that if any
commissioned officer shall neglect or refuse to attend
on any of the days appointed for exercise in companies
as aforesaid (unless prevented by sickness or some
other unavoidable accident,) such commissioned officer
shall forfeit and pay the price of three days labour : and
any non-commissioned officer or private, and all en-
rolled persons, so refusing or neglecting (except as
before excepted) shall forfeit and pay the price of one
and a half day 's labour ; and on a battalion day, a field
officer shall forfeit and pay the price of six days labour,
and a commissioned officer under that rank the price
of four days labour, and a non-commissioned officer or
private, and all enrolled persons, refusing to meet and
exercise, the price of two days labour, (excepting as
before excepted).

** William Coats, lieutenant of Phila. county/'
**The Teoop op Light Hobse are notified" to meet
Tuesday, the 26*^ of November [1782], at 10 o'clock in
the morning, at Chestnut-hill, the place of * rendezvous'
of the 7** or Germantown battalion [Colonel Matthew
Holgate] : They will be careful to appear properly
equipped and accoutred.

**W.C0ATS,LtC.P."

On May 13 of this year [1782] the French minister,
Luzerne," formally announced to Congress the birth
of the Dauphin of France. On this occasion he was
esscorted to the State House by the City Light Horse
[First City Troop], and was there received by the Con-
tinental troops, as well as by the County Troops, and
the City ArtUlery."

The Second Troop Ph4ladelphia City Cavalry. 277

Lying, as it did, on the outskirts of the city, the
County Troop was compelled to cover much territory
in its troop drills and exercises. Gtermantown, Chest-
nut Hill, Frankford, Oxford township, Bustleton and
other boroughs were the scene of its manoeuver, as the
following, and other, notices indicate: —

* * The Tboop of Light Hobse of the county of Philar
delphia, will please to take notice, that they are to meet,
properly equipt and accoutred, on Monday the 16*^ of
June next, at 10 o 'clock in the morning, at the house of
Captain Eckart, at Whitemarsh.

**Wm. Coats, Lieutenant P. C.'"*
''Philadelphia County, May 31, 1783/^

''PuBMO NOTICE is hereby given to tiie Tboop op Light
Hobse of the County of Philadelphia to meet on the
2(P of Oct., [1783], at Busseltoun [sic] to join the First
Battalion, commanded by Col. Benjamin M'Veagh.^
'*Wm. Coats, Lieut, of the County of Philadelphia.^^

* ' The Tboop op Hobse will meet the Second Battalion,
commanded by Colonel [Matthew] Holgate," the 4**" of
May, at Germantown.

**WiLiiiAM Coats,
Lieutenant of the County of Philadelphia. ' ^*
^* April 17, 1784.''

''The TBOOP OP hobse will take notice to meet the
fifth battalion, commanded by Col. [Matthew] Jones,
on Fbiday the 22^ of October [1784], at the place of
rendezvous, near the Merion Meeting House, on Lan-
caster Boad.

** William Coats,
Lieutenant of the County of Philadelphia. ^ "*

With the single exception of the voluntary retirement
of the Comet, Casper Dull, no changes are noted in the
list of officers of the Troop for some time. Thus, we
find, in 1784, **A Return of the Officers of the Troop

278 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

of Light Horse of the Connty of Philadelphia,^' as
follows : — ''*

** David Snyder, Captain.
Abraham Duffield, Lieutenant.
Isaac Hnmphries [Humphreys], Comet.
^^Philada County, March 9*^, 1784.

^*Wm. Coats, Lieut. C. P.''
* * Directed,

John Armstrong, Esq. Secretary.''

REFERENCES.

^8charf and Westcott, vol. i, pp. 295-6.

* P&nneylviinia Paoket, May 1, 1775.

* Pewnsylva/Ma Packet, June 6 and 12, 1775.

^The ranyers were ''regular or irregular troops or other armed men,
employed in ranging oyer a region either for its protection or as ma-
rauders.^ Military rangers are generally mounted, but may fight on
foot if occasion requires. — Century Diotionary.

^Riflemen, formerly, were men armed with the rifle, when most of
infantry carried muskets.

* Pennaylvania Archives, Second Series, vol. xiii, p. 593; also. Sixth
Series, vol. i, p. 979.

^ Oriffith Jones was married on October 31, 1760, to Janet Barr; and,
in Zion Lutheran Church, on Deo^nber 9, 1774, to Rebecca Morgan, On
July 24, 1776, he was gunner in the First Company of the Artillery
Regiment. In December, 1776, he was a member of Captain Joseph
Cowperthwaite's company of the First Philadelphia Battalion of Militia,
On March 3, 1777, he was appointed by the Navy Board to command
the Fire Ship "Strumbelto," On September 12, 1777, he was appointed
Sergeant in the 6th Co., of the Artillery Regiment. He is recorded, in
1777, as a member of Captain Faries Troop of Horse. He was a wealthy
tanner, residing in Grermantown. That he was a man of considerable
means is proved by his advertisement in October, 1780, offering "a re-
ward of $4000 for information of persons who have been damaging
his property." {Pennsylvania Packet, October 28, 1780.) He owned
extensive lots on the e&st side of Front Street between Sassafras [Race]
and Vine Streets {Pennsylvania Packet, June 19, 1783). In 1791, he
is recorded at No. 259 South Third Street, as a house carpenter [builder].

* Simon Bennett, probably the son of Abraham Bennett and Mary
Harrison, who were married in March, 1749; on August 13, 1777, was
appointed a member of the Committee for Lower Dublin township to

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 279

drive off the cattle on the approach of the British. On July 3, 1792,
he was elected Captain of the County Troop of Horse. His son, Samuel
Bennett J merchant, of Philadelphia, was married on NoTember 23, 1796,
tto Ruth Dohel, of Bristol. A John Bennett, in 1794, was a private in
the 3d Company, 4th Regiment PhUa. City Militia^ Col. Andrew Guyer.

* George Haae, of the Northern Liberties, was married in Zion Luth-
eran Church, on April 5, 1768, to Ma/rgaaet Hagin, He died on Decem-
ber 1, 1811, leaving an estate of $4000, for which letters of adminis-
tration were granted to Zaohariah Bowman, His grandson, George
Haas, (bom in 1823), died on October 24, 1849, at his home, Meeting
House Lane, Grermantown, in his 27th year.

'^WiUiam Priest [probably the correct spelling], died on February
20, 1791, intestate, and letters of administration were granted to Mary
Lodge, A WilUam H, Priest was living in Philadelphia in 1844.

^ Jacob Benner, 8r,, in 1786, lived in New Street near Third, and,
in May, 1786, he and his son, Jacob Benner, Jtr,, mariner, were executors
for George Benner, brother of Jacob Benner, Sr. In 1788, Jacob Ben-
ner, JSfr., lived in Bustleton, in the township of Lower Dublin. In 1791,
he is recorded as a brickmaker at No. 72 Elm Street. He died on
Septanber 22, 1793, leaving a son, Jacob Benner, Jr, In 1785, a pri-
ate in the Sixth Company, 4th Battalion, Col. William Wills; married,
on July 4, 1790, in Zion Lutheran Church, to Margaret ta Bartils), and
three daughters — Margaret, Elizabeth, and 8ophia^-one of whom was
married to Peter Rees. His widow Mary Benner, died in 1828. A 8ar(ih
fienner, widow of Jacob Beimer, was bom in 1760, and died at her
residence. Spruce Street above Thirteenth, on June 2, 1840, in her 80th
year.

^Bomuel Nesumnger {NeMwinger) , of Lower Dublin township, Phila-
delphia County, was one of a Committee appointed, on July 12, 1777,
for Oxford, Lower Dublin, Moreland and Byberry townships, to drive
off the live stock as soon as the British should appear. He owned a
water gristmill in Lower Dublin. His will was made in 1798; and he
died in 1805, leaving a son, Samuel "Neswanger, Jr,, (died June 6, 1824),
who was always an invalid; a daughter, Ann (wife of George Sommers),
and a daughter, Elizabeth (wife of Enoch Addis),

^ Jacob Gross died about June 20, 1809, letters of administration
being granted to Dorothy Gross, and security being given by George
Gross, Jacob Gross and John Gross, cordwainers.

^^ Andrew Keen, son of Dcmiel Keen (bom in Oxford township, Phila-
delphia County, in 1722-23) and Elizabeth MoCarty (married Janu-
ary 6, 1751-2), was bom, in Philadelphia, August 6, 1752, and baptized
at Trinity Church in Febraary, 1753. From July 14,1776, to February,
1777, he was a private in Captain Rudolph's Neff's company of Colonel
Robert Lewis J. Deane's Regiment of Foot.. In September, 1777, he
joined the cavalry, in Captain James Craig's troop, and then the Troop
of Horse commanded by Captain Fearis [Faries], in which organiza-
tion he remained until the middle of July, 1778. He was subsequently
called out twice, serving several weeks each time. On April 8, 1777^

280 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

he was married, in Old Swedes' Church, to Margaret Toy (bom Janu-
ary 22, 1766; died in Philadelphia, March 6, 1839, aged 83 years),
daughter of EUas and Barbara Toy, her father being a descendant of
BUas Toy, a Swede of New Jersey, who was bom in October, 1664, and
his wife, Oertrude NeUon (bom in 1671; married in February, 1690).
A personal commutiication from Andrew Keen's great-granddaughter,
Mrs. B. 9. Banks, of Philadelphia^ states that "he fought in the battles
of Monmouth, Trenton, Assanpink Crecdc, and Princeton, and in the skir-
mish near Holmesburg. He served with the rank of Major on the
staff of Qeneral Washington, and was present at the crossing of the
Delaware. He also witnessed the execution of Major Andre." He died,
in Philadelphia, on August 3, 1838, aged 87 years. — Qregory B, Keen,
"The Descendants ci JOren Kyn, the Founder of Upland."

^Jonatha/n Leech, yeoman, of Lower Dublin township, Philadelphia
County, died in May, 1825. He was unmarrried, and left his estate to
his sisters, Hannah, wife of Malachi Fiaher, and Rehecoa, wife of Cfeorge
Terkee. His will was made on February 28, 1811.

^ Henry Miller, baker and shopkeeper of the city and county of Phila-
delphia, died shortly after October 26, 18(^ (the date of his will),
leaying his estate to his wife, Mary Miller (late Steelman), On April
15, 1786, he was commissioned First Lieutenant in Capt. Christian Shaf-
fer's Fourth Company, Fourth Battalion, Col. John Shee, His brother
was Ohriatian MUler,

"John TrookaeU, [Troael or TrocneW], in 1777, was Second Lieutenant
in the First Company, Fourth Battalion, Philadelphia County Associa-
tors. On October 1, 1778, he was a private in the Tenth Pennsylvania
Regiment.

^Ohrietian Steer was naturalized in Upper Milford, Bucks County
Pa., on September 18, 1763.

^ Isaac Humphreys and John Humphreys were probably sons of Jona-
than Humphreys and Sarah Doughty, and brotiiers of Jaooh Humphreys
(bom in Bucks County, Pa., in 1751; married at the Haverford Meeting
house, on July 13, 1773, to Sarah James; Captain in the Sixth Penn-
sylvania Regiment on February 15, 1777; claiming rank from Septem-
ber 8, 1776; engaged in the battles of Trenton, Princeton, Brandywine,
Qermantown and Yorktown, serving in the Southern campaign; trans-
ferred, on January 1, 1783, to the First Pennsylvania Regiment, and
serving to June 3, 1783 ; resided subsequently in West Fallowfield, Ches-
ter Coimty, Pa.; elected to the L^slature in 1814-15; in July 1825,
one of the County (commissioners to receive General Lafayette; died
January 21,. 1826, aged 75 years) and Whitehead Humphreys (bom
March 20, 1733-34; died September 3, 1786). steelmaker and distiller;
and grandsons of Daniel Humphreys and Hannah Wynne. Isaac Hum-
phreys was bom in Bucks County, Pa., and was married in old Swedes'
Church, on January 18, 1780, to Jane Brown. In 1781, he was ap-
pointed Collector of Taxes for Upper Dublin Township.

^Thomas VandersUoe^s son, Henry VandersUce, was married, in St.
Michael's and Zion Church, on November 28, 1798, to Else Price {AUoe
Preish), widow.

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 281

'^Robert Qregg married /eimeti O'Neal on September 25, 1766. In
October, 1776, he was Second Lieutenant in Wayne's Fourth Battalion.
On January 8, 1776, he was again commissioned Second Lieutenant in
the Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion; and, on January 1, 1777, attained
the rank of .First Lieutenant. On June 7, 1777, he was commissioned
Captain in the Fifth Pennsylvania Regiment, retiring on July 1, 1778.
He became the proprietor of an inn in the County of Philadelphia in
1780, which was formerly known as Wrigkt'B Tavern, (It was at this
Tavern that David Snyder, in 1780, was elected to the command of the
Second City Troop.) On June 17, 1700, he is recorded as living in Upper
Makefleld Township, Bucks County, four miles from Newtown {Pem^
tyUwnia Packet, June 17, 1700).

'John Niee [de Neue], son of John Nice (died in March, 1704; his
will was made on March 12, 1708), who, on October 30, 1767, married
his second wife Margaret Cofpn; was bom in Germantown, January
20, 1730, and died there on July 6 (September 26), 1806, aged 67 years.
In May, 1760, he was commissioned an Ensign in the 7th Co., of the
Pennsylvania Regiment by Governor (Colonel) John Penn; and in
September, 1763, (Governor James Hamilton commissioned him a Captain
in the colonial service. In 1772, he married fiarah, daughter of Colonel
Jacob Bngle (bom in 1727; died on Wednesday, February 20, 1700, in
his 72d year), of Germantown, who survived him, and by her had
five children — Jamee^ Mary, Ann^ Waehmgtony and Levi, On March 16,
1776, when 37 years old, he was appointed a Captain in a battalion of
musketmen in Colonel Samuel Miles' Sixth Pennsylvania Regiment,
which was attached to the Flying Camp. He was, together with Colonel
Miles and his regiment, captured by the British at the battle of Long
Island on August 27, 1776 {Scharf and Weatoott, vol. i, p. 331 ) , but was
exchanged on December 0, 1776, and became, in 1777, a member of
Captain Fanes' Troop of Horse. On November 12, 1777, he was trans-
ferred to the Pennsylvania State Regiment designated the '*13th
Pennsylvania;" on July 1, 1778, was transferred to the Sixth Penn-
sylvania Regiment; and, on January 17, 1781, to the Second Pennsyl-
vania Regiment, and served to June, 1783. He participated in the
battles of Brandywine and Germantown. In March, 1782, he joined
with Captains Schneider [Snyder] and [Robert] Erwin in charges before
the President and Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania of cer-
tain abuses and irregularities at the last general election for the County."
On January 16, 1786, he was appointed a Justice of the Peace for
Philadelphia County, Germantown and Roxborough townships, which
office he resigned -on April 3, 1786. In October, 1786, he ran for
Representative of the County in the Assembly. In June, 1787, he
offered for sale his "valuable plantation situate in Bristol township,
Philadelphia County, near the Old York Road, about seven miles from
the city," containing 00 acres of land. He resigned as Major of the
Second Battalion of Philadelphia County Militia in April, 1787, to
which office he had been elected in April, 1786. He was a member of

«55»

282 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

the Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati, as was also his son, James,
and his grandson, Levi.

^Joh/n Humphreys [Humphrey], on August 2, 1770, was an Ensign
in Lee's Battalion of Light Dragoons; on August 25, 1770, was trans-
ferred to the Sixth Pennsylvania Regiment; and on July 17, 1781, to
the Second Pennsylvania Regiment. In 1777, he became a member of
Captain Faries' Troop of Horse, and, in 1781, acted as Quartermaster
of the Troop. On April 2, 1782, he became a Second Lieutenant in
the Fourth Regiment of Continental Artillery, serving until June 17,
1783. In 1814, he is recorded as a merchant at No. 14 North Seventh
Street.

^ Jacob Markley, on May 6, 1777, was commissioned Major in the
First Battalion, Philadelphia County Associators. He died on October
0, 1821, leaving an estate valued at $10,000. Letters of administration
were granted to John Markley, Philip Markley, and Jacob Marhley,
Jr, His son's wife Rachel (bom in 1704), died on April 19, 1850,
leaving her husband and two sons, Bimon S. Markley and Jacob Mark-
ley, Jr, She waa buried at New Villa, Warrington township, Bucks
County, Pa. Her son, Jacob Markley, Jr., was married on June 27,
1850, to Hctfinah 8, Miller, of Warrington, Bucks County.

^ Jacob WoUery [Woolery] was related to Weckerly W^olery, who, in
1778, lived in Springfield, Philadelphia County.

^Josiah Pawling was the son of Henry Pa/ucling, who, in 1770,
was nominated for the Pennsylvania Assembly, and, in 1776, was Captain
in the Flying Camp. His brother, Henry Pawling, Jr,, after the Revo-
lution was very influential in building up Norristown, Pa. On September

9, 1777, Joeiah Pawling married Ann Sturgeea. On August 7, 1780,
he is still recorded as a member of the Troop of Horse and attached
to the Third Battalion County Militia. In 1784, he was a private in the
Second Company, Second Philadelphia Regiment, Colonel James Reed;
and, in 1785, in the Third Company, First Philadelphia Regiment, Col-
onel John Shee.

" Nathaniel Vanaandt, of Bensalem, Philadelphia County, was married
to Hannah Vanaandt on August 27, 1768. During the Revolution he
served, from August 19, 1775, as First Lieutenant in the First Bat-
talion of Bucks County Associators; and for a time as Captain in
Colonel Miles' Sixth Pennsylvania Regiment, and was with the Regiment
when it was captured at the battle of Long Island, November 16, 1776.
He was exchanged on November 20, 1778. He was related to James
Vansandt, who, on October 12, 1784, was elected Representative for the
County.

^ Jacob Fufik lived in the Northern Liberties on Germantown Road.
In October, 1775, he was an Ensign in Wayne's Fourth Pennsylvania
Battalion. He was recommissioned on January 8, 1776 ; and, on January

10, 1777, was made a Comet in the Fourth Continental Dragoons.
Later that year he was a member of Captain Faries' Troop of Horse.
In 1779, he was an innkeeper in Second Street. His son, Jamea Funk,
St., was bom in 1792, and died on May 2, 1839, at his home in German-

"^^w

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 283

town Soad, west side, the first house above Laurel Street, aged 47 years.
He had a son, James Fwik, Jr,, and another son, John 0. Funk, who
died in infancy on August 16, 1830.

^ Benjamin Wotton was doubtless a descendant of Faith Wotten, who
arrived in Pennsylvania on December 16, 1686, in the ship "Unicorn,"
from Bristol, England, Thomas Cooper, Master.

^Jaaiah Matlock was the son of JoHah Matlock, of Lower Dublin
township, who, in 1777, was a private and then an Ensign in the Third
Company, Second Battalion Philadelphia Associators; in 1778, was a
merchant in Fourth Street near Spruce; took the path of allegiance
to the State on July 9, 1778; in October, 1778, as a Grand Juror, signed
a petition for clemency for John Boberts and Abraham Carlisle under
sentence of death for high treason; and died in 1701, his will being
made on May 2, 1788. His son Joeiah Matlack, took the oath of al-
legiance to the State on January 6, 1779, in 1784, was a private in
the Fourth Company, Sixth Battalion, Colonel Joseph Dean; in 1787.
was a private in the Third Company, First Philadelphia Battalion^
Colonel Gumey; in 1793 was executor for the estate of Reuben Haines;
and, in 1794, is recorded as a "gentleman** living at No. 51 Spruce
Street. The same year, 1794 he is recorded as a private in the First
Company, Third Philadelphia Regiment, Colonel McLean. He also owned
a large plantation in Lower Dublin township which had been bequeathed
to him by his father. He had a sister, Rachel, and another sister,
Martha, who was the wife of Janatha/n Enoch, On May 31, 1800,
Ann Matlack, daughter of Josiah Matlack, Jr,, was married to William
fimith, merchant, of Philadelphia.

*^ David Davis, yeoman, of Roxborough township, Philadelphia County,
was the son of Enoch Davis, and nephew of David Davis, of Merlon,
Philadelphia County, who died on July 20, 1768. In 1777, David Davis
was commissioned First Lieutenant in Colonel William Coats' County
Battalion. In 1778, he lived in New Britain township, Bucks County,
Pa. In 1779, he signed a petition to the Supreme Executive Council
for relief for the county from famine. In July, 1780, he was sent to
Reading, Pa., to secure cattle and sheep for the troops. He was a
member of the Troop of Light Horse of Philadelphia County for a niun
ber of years, and, in October, 1781, was for a time Acting Quarter
master of the Troop in the place of John Humphreys, while at Newtown
Pa. His brothers were: — Israel (bom in 1768; died in Chester County
Pa., August 10, 1832, aged 73 years) ; Anthony; Enoch; and Mordecai
He died on December 26, 1822, leaving a wife, Elizabeth, and the fol
lowing children: — Matthew; James; Elizabeth; Deborah; Oeorffe; Wil
liam; Sarah; and Eleanor, A son, Benjctmin, and a daughter, Ann
Beard, predeceased him.

** Isaac Keen, who resided in Tacony, was the son of Matthias Keen
(bom December 21, 1721; died July 28, 1797) and Margaret Thomas
(bom February 20, 1723; died August 7, 1801), and w&s bom on
September 19, 1763. He waa greatly favored by his father, who gave
him a largo fortune during his lifetime and bequeathed him his estate

284 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

in Oxford township. He married Borah (bom January 11, 1756; died
September 8, 1881), daughter of John Knawlea (who was Lieutenajit
of the "Independent Company of Foot^" in 1756, and who, in the Revo-
lutionary War, was made prisoner hy the British, in 1778, and taken
to New York, but soon afterwards was exchanged for a loyalist of
Horsham township ; he was commissioned a Justice of Peace for Phila-
delphia County on June 6, 1777, and continued to hold that office until
his resignation on February 16, 1786) . His mother was Mary WiUcinson.
Isaac Keen, in April, 1786, was elected Comet of the Troop. He died in
Oxford township, Fdiruary 20, 1808, aged 55 years, and was buried in
Pennypack Baptist Churchyard. He had seven children. — Gregory B*
Keen, ''The Descendants of JOran Kyn, the Founder of Upland."

** Edtoard Duffield was the brother of Abraham and son of Jacob
Duffield (bom in 1724; died October 16, 1774) and Hannah Leech
(bom July 29, 1723; died October 8, 1793). He was bom May 28,
1759, and died July 16, 1824, when 65 years old. In 1777, he was
an Ensign in the Second CSompany of the City (First) Battalion, Col-
onel William Bradford. He was a bachelor, and lived with his brother
in Frankford. He was Auditor on the American Republican ticket for
the County of Philadelphia in 1809, but was not elected. He was a
"gentleman of the old school." Upon his death, the old homestead was
bought by Johi^ Murray,

**Thomaa Chappel, yeoman, of Moreland township, Philadelphia
County, was the son of John Chappel (died May 16, 1775) and his
second wife, Martha Duff ell [Duffield'\, of Oxford township, who were
married on September 29, 1757, {John's first wife, Mary, died December
31, 1753) ; and brother of Mary (married Charles Meredith), Mizabeth
(married James Miller), and Esther ChappeL . His father, John Chap-
pel, kept the "Blaek Bull Tavern" in Market Street, some time prior
to the Revolution. Thomas Chappel was bom in February, 1759. In
September, 1778, he was, with his brother WilUam, a private in Captain
Jacob Stake's Company of th^ Tenth Pennsylvania Regiment, and was
subsequently detached to the light corps. He took the oath of allegiance
to the State on June 22, 1779. On July 3, 1792, he was elected
Captain of the Third Company, Second Philadelphia County Battalion,
Colonel Isaac Worrell; and on July 28, 1794, Captain of the Second
Company, Fifth County Regiment. He served in the Whiskey Insur-
rection. He died on August 1, 1848, aged 89 years. His wife was
Mary Chappel, and his children were Charles; Oeorge; WilUam; John;
Thomas; Catherine (married a Mr. Wiser) ; Hester (married George
Knoioles); and EHea (married Joseph Carson),

" Oeorge Eenner, brickmaker, was a relative of Oeorge Benner of the
Troop. In December, 1776, he was a member of Captain John Williams'
Company of the First Battalion of Philadelphia Associators, Colonel
Jacob Morgan. In 1779, he owned a plantation in Bristol township,
Philadelphia County, and a brickyard on Hickory Lane, in the Northern
Liberties. He died in 1785 at his dwelling near Vine Street, between
Second and Third Streets. His executors were Jacob Benner and Jacob

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 285

Benner, Jr, George Benner, of the Troop, recorded in 1794 as a carter
at No. 483 North Second Street, in the Northern Liberties, was the
son of George Benner (died May 2, 1800, far advanced in years), of
Moreland township, Philadelphia County, and Mary, his wife. His
brothers were: — Jacob (who had a son Jacob) ; Peier (who had a son
George) ; John; and Henry; and his sisters were Elizabeth (wife of
Sereck Fox — ^their daughter, Maria Fo<t, married Captain John Baving-
ton, of the Second City Troop) ; and Mary Benner. He died on July 20,
1816, leaving a wife, Mary; three sons — George; John; and Jacob; and
three daughters — Ann; Hannah; and Mary, On January 6, 1843, Jan^
eiie, daughter of the eldest son, George, was married to Quintin Camp-
bell, Jr,, of Philadelphia (IV>unty.

'^John Bruner wsa the son of David Bruner, of Montgomery,
Philadelphia County, and grandson of John Bruner, yeoman, who died
May 22, 1773, far advanced in years.

" Samuel Boucher [Butcher] was the son of George .Dietrich Bucher,
who, in 1778, lived in New Hanover township, Philadelphia County. That
year, Samuel Boucher, assistant weighmaster^ lived in Moreland Manor,
Philadelphia County. They were descendants of John Boutcher, who
died in Moreland township, in 1707, leaving two sons, John and Samuel,
and several daughters, one of whom, Sarah, married Henry, son of
Franoia Daniel Pastoriua, in 1720. Samuel Boucher, of the Northern
Liberties, took the oath of allegiance to the State on July 6, 1777;
was a member of Captain Faries' Troop of Horse that year; is recorded
as being with the Troop at Newtown in October, 1781; and continued
with that body until 1782 at least. In the records of the Supreme
Executive Council of Pennsylvania, on October 4, 1781, there is an "order
in favor of Mr. Samuel Boutcher for 64 pounds 10 shillings, State money
emitted by Act of Assembly of the 7th of April, 1781, amount of
his account for the hire of waggons called into service from the County
of Philadelphia in August, 1780, agreeably to requisitions of Congress."
In 1788, John and Samuel Boutcher [brothers], offered for sale their
"plantation in Moorland, chiefly in Philadelphia Coimty, 100 acres or
upwards." On May 28, 1788, Samuel Butcher married Mary Highbee,
He died on May 5, 1707, letters of administration being granted to
Je8se Butcher.

** Pennsylvania Gazette, April 12, 1780, p. 1, c. 2.

** Pennsylvama Packet, July 8, 1777.

^Pennsylvania Archivea. Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1864; vol. viii,
p. 220.

*^ Pennsylvania Gazette, May 31, 1780, p. 1, c. 1. Also Soharf and
Westcott, vol. i, p. 410. ...

^Pennsylvania Gazette, May 31, 1780.

^Pennsylvania Archives, Sixth Series, vol. i, pp. 071, 070 and 086;
also. Second Series, vol. xiii, p. 760.

**Johii Dover, a descendant of Richard Dover (died April 6, 1732), who
was the son of Thomas Dover, was the son of William Dover
(died before 1778), who left an estate in Oxford township, Frank-
Vol. XLV.— 20

286 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

ford. John Dover was bom in 1754. He was appointed an
Ensign in Wayne's Fourth Battalion in October, 1775; on Janu-
ary 8, 1776, became Ensign in the Third Pennsylvania Battalion;
and on January 3, 1777, became First Lieutenant in the Fourth
Pennsylvania Regiment. In 1780, he became First Lieutenant in Cap-
tain Faries' Troop of Horse. He subsequently attained the rank of
Colonel in the Philadelphia Militia. In 1785, he kept the old Rising
Sun Tavern, on the Germantown Road, four miles from Philadelphia.
In 1799-1800, he was proprietor of a tavern at Frankford (American
Daily Advertiser, February 11, 1800), in the village of Aramingo, on
"the King's Highway" [Frankford Avenue], just south of the Frank-
ford Creek. He was a member of the Committee of Arrangements
appointed January 8, 1801, to commemorate March 4, 1801, as a day
of public festivity in celebration of the success of Democratic principles
{Scharf and Weatcoti, vol 1, p. 507) . He was married first> on Septem-
ber 3, 1782, to Mary Nice; secondly, on March 4, 1797, to Sarah Cooper,
Subsequently, he married Letitia fitewari, of the Northern Liberties.
He died at his home near Frankford on Sunday, March 18, 1821, in
Ibis 67 th year, his will being probated on April 8th of that year. He
was interred in the Presbyterian burying-ground at Aramingo. Letters
of administration were granted to Alexander Martin, and Nathan Har-
per and Stacey Gillingham, tanner, of Frankford, were surety for the
executors. His son, Joseph Dover, a silver plater, was born in 1794,
and died in Cohocksink village on October 28, 1838, aged 44 years.
BSff daughter, Borah, who was married on September 20, 1807, to
Thom^u OoUings, died at Summerville, New Jersey, on September 9,
1839; and another daughter, Anne, married Moaea Thomas on October
10, 1811. John Dover's brother, Frederick Dover, coachmaker, of ^e
Northern Liberties, died on March 10, 1806, leaving a wife, EUeaheth.
Another brother, Andrew Dover, of Germantown, was born in 1751 ; and,
in October, 1775, was Second Lieutenant in Colonel Wayne's Fourth
Battalion. He was commissioned second Lieutenant in Captain John
Miller's Company of the Fifth Pennsylvania Regiment, Colonel Magaw,
on January 8, 1776; on March 4, 1776, was promoted to First Lieutenant;
was taken prisoner at Fort Washington on November 16, 1776; was
reelected First Lieutenant on March 4, 1777; and promoted to Captain
on June 1, 1778; and was exchanged on October 25, 1780. In 1794, he
lived in Oxford Township, upper end of Frankford, opposite the "Seven
Stars." He died near Frankford on February 27, 1832, in his 81st
year, letters of administration being granted to William Dover, His
daughter, Charlotte Cecilia, was married on November 13, 1831, to
Dr, Dempsey Murray Veale. A Levi Dover was a private in Captain
T, W, Duffield's company of Frankford Artillery at Camp Dupont in 1814.

^Pennsylvania Archives, Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1854; vol. ix,
p. 250.

'The camp at Trenton was formed July 28, 1780, and abandoned
on September 2, when the projected attack upon New York was given up.
It was commanded in person by President Reed {Scharf and Westoott^

The Second Troop Philddelphia City Cavalry. 287

vol. i, p. 411). The militia returned to Philadelphia on September 3,
"Extract from the Diary of Jacob Hiltzheimer of Philadelphia, 1765—
1798." Edited by John W. Jordan, 1893, Philadelphia. Press of Wm.
F. Fell & Co.

^ Pennsylvama Arohivea. Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1854; vol. iz,
p. 230.

•Ibid, vol. ix, p. 272.

* WilUam Dean was bom in 1741, and died in Montgomery County,
Pa., on Saturday morning, Septanber 12, 1807, in his 67th year. He
was commissioned Colonel of the Fourth Battalion, Philadelphia County
Militia on May 6, 1777.

'^ Pennaylvama Archives, Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1854; vol. ix,
p. 358.

'^^OoUmial Records of Pa,, vol. xiii, p. 37.

" From the Wm. Henry Manuscripts collected by John Jordan, Jr.

" A joe was a Portuguese and Brazilian gold coin of the period worth
$8.62. In 1778, this coin was selling at £22, 10s. Continental currency.
A half Joe or Johanms was a gold coin of Portugal then current in
ccMnmercial use.

** Pennsylvania Oaeette, November 15, 1780, p. 3, col. 3.

" The Coats family of Philadelphia is descended from the four brothers
— WilUofn (died in 1749, leaving a widow, Rachel), Thomas, George and
John — ^who came to this country early in the eighteenth century. There
was a WilUwm Coats, Jr., a brickmaker, who also died on April 1, 1749,
leaving a widow, Mary, a minor son, William, and a daughter, Mary,
The father of William Coats, of this history, was Major William Coats,
an extensive landowner in the township of the Northern Liberties,
County of Philadelphia, where he was born in 1721. He received his
education in the Friends' School. In 1748, he was Second Lieutenant
in the Third Company of the Associators' Regiment of Philadelphia
County. On May 1, 1756, he became an original member and Secretary
of the Northern Liberty Fire Company^ He subsequently became a
Major in the Provincial Militia. He must have been twice married,
taking his second wife, Martha Davis (born February 11, 1738; died
July 17, 1795), on October 9, 1764. In 1774, he was a member of the
Conmiittee of Correspondence of Philadelphia; and, on January 23,

1775, was a delegate to the Provincial Conference. In 1775, he served
bn the Committee of Inspection for the Northern Liberties. On June
28, 1775, he was a delegate to the conference at Carpenter's Hall.
[The Carpenter^ s Company of Philadelphia was organized in 1724, and
for many years exerted a wide influence upon contemporaneous hap-
penings. The famous Carpenter's Hall, where the First Continental
Congress held its sessions, was built in 1771, upon land fronting on
Chestnut Street below Fourth Street, which was purchased in 1768.
For several years it was occupied as the first Bank of the United States,
and later — in August, 1798 — ^by the Pennsylvania Bank,] On July 16,

1776, he was a member of the oonvention in Carpenters' Hall. He

288 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

saw active serrice in the Revolution, and participated in the battle
•f Princeton. In 1777, he became a member of the Pennsylvania As-
sembly. On February 4, 1778, he was captured by the British and con-
fined in the jail in Philadelphia until exchanged in 1779. This year
he was reelected to the Pennsylvania Assembly, but died in Philadel-
phia on January 24, 1780.

His son, Colonel WilUam CoaU, was bom in Philadelphia sometime
about 1760. Not much is known of his early life save that he married
Margaret^ daughter of Thomas Norris, of Princeton, New Jersey. On
June 30, 1775, he was commissioned Second Major of the First Bat-
talion of Associators of Philadelphia, and became First Major in 1776.
On December 4, 1776, he was commissioned Lieut.-Colonel of the First
Battalion of the City Militia; and from March 12, 1777, to 1785, he
served as Lieutenant of Philadelphia County, with Colonel WilUam
Dean, Colonel George Smith and others as Sub-Lieutenant. On Sep-
tember 10, 1778, William Coats, saddler, took the oath of allegiance
to the State. In October, 1778, he signed a petition for clemency for
John Roberts and Abraham Carlisle, under sentence of death for high
treason. In October, 1779, he was Colonel of the Third Battalion, Phila-
delphia County Militia. On October 12, 1784, he was elected a Repre-
sentative in the Assembly for Philadelphia County; and, on August
20, 1788, he was elected a magistrate, or Judge of the Court of Common
Pleas, for the Northern Liberties, in place of William Masters, deceased.
On September 1, 1791, he was commissioned again as Justice
of the Peace in the Northern Liberties. On July 4, 1793 he
was elected first Vice-President of the Democratic Society of Penn-
sylvania (The first Democratic Society in the United States).
From 1787 to 1794, he served as Lieutenant-Colonel of the Sev-
enth Battalion of Militia of the City and Liberties of Philadel^
phia. On September 12, 1794, he was commissioned Lieut-Colonel of
the First Philadelphia County Regiment, and immediately transferred
to the command of the Fourth County Regiment; and from 1799 to
?1802, he was Lieut.-Colonel of the 88th Regiment of Pennsylvania Mi-
<litia. On March 4, 1801, he was a member of the Committee of Arrange-
ments to celebrate Democratic success. He was also a member of the
Tammany Society. He died in his mansion on Front Street, Northern
Liberties, on April 28, 1802, and was accorded a military funeral. His
daughter, EUeabeih, was married, on April 20, 1780, to Anthony Butler,
merchant. They were the grand-parents of General George Gordon
Meade. Coates Street [now Fairmount Avenue] was named for the
Coats family.

** PennsylvarUa Gazette, November 29, 1780, p. 3, col. 3.

^ Pewnsylvania Archives. Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1854, vol. ix,
p. 230.

'^ Pennsylvania Packet, April 28, 1781.

^Boharf and Westcott, vol. i, p. 415.

^Pennsylvania Archives, Sixth Series, vol. i, pp. 973 et seq.

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 289

^Independence EM, Cheslaut Street between Fifth and Sixth Streets,
aouth side, was built during the years 1729-34, and, in October, 1736,
was first uJBed as a ''State House.'' From 1775 to 1800, it was used by
the Colonial Ckmgreee, and by the State Legislature until 1804. The
Declaration of Independence was issued from the Hall on July 4, 1776,
and the Ck>nstitution of the United States was adopted there in 1787.
The old ''Liberty Bell" closely identified with the birth of the Government,
was taken from the tower of Independence Hall to Allentown, Pa., in
1778, to prevent Its falling into the hands of the British. It was brought
back in 1782, and for fifty years, until it cracked, it celebrated every
National aimiversary. From 1790 to 1800, the State House served as
the Capitol of the Nation. In the building at the comer of Sixth
and Chestnut Streets, then known as "Congress Hall," the first senate
and first House of Representatives of the United States met^ and here
Washington was inaugurated President on March 4, 1793, and John
Adams in 1797. This building has also been used for United States
and District Courts, and almost all kinds of legal tribunals have at
different times been accommodated within its walls. In 1854, when the
city proper was consolidated with all the outlying towns and districts in
Philadelphia County, the municipal government determined upon using
the State House itself, and gave notice to the United States Courts to
remove from the second story. From that time until March, 1895, City
Councils occupied the second floor — ^the East chamber over Indepen-
dence Hall by Select Council and the West Chamber by Common Coim-
cil. Since 1895, the old State House has been restored to its original
condition, and is now occupied by the "Dau^^ters of the Revolution."
The site of Congress Hall was occupied, before the Revolution, by a
wooden shelter for visiting Indians.

^Soharf and WestooU, vol. i, p. 416.

^Pennsylvania Gaeette, April 24, 1782, p. 1, c. 1.

** Robert Oorrey was a Philadelphia merchant and shipping-agent,
having his store, in 1782, in Third Street three doors from Market
Street, and in 1789, in Water Street near Walnut. His pasture waa
in the District of Moyamensing. On May 6, 1777, he was commissioned
Colonel of the Fifth Battalion, Philadelphia County Militia. He took
the oath of allegiance to the State on October 6, 1778. On May 12, 1780,
he was commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel of the Sixth Battalion of the
County Associators; in 1783, he was Lieutenant-Colonel of the Sixth
Battalion of Montgomery County; and, in April, 1786, Lieutenant-
Colonel of the First Battalion of Montgomery County.

^Archibald Thompeon, grandson of ArohibiUd Thompson (who, on
March 23, 1742, purchased 126} acres of land from the Samuel Norris
Estate), waa a member of the famous Committee of Correspondence
for Philadelphia City and County in 1775. On July 13, 1776, he was
appointed Captain in the Flying Camp; on March 12, 1777, he was
appointed a Sub-Lieutenant of Philadelphia County; on May 6, 1777,
was commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel of the Fifth Battalion of Militia

290 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

for Philadelphia County [the manbers of this Battalion coming from
White Marsh, Plymouth, Whitpain, Norrington, Worcester and New
Providence]. On October 21, 1777, and again on May 6, 1778, he was
Appointed one of the Commissioners of Philadelphia County to carry
into effect the Confiscation Act of the Council of Safety of the Penn-
sylvania Assembly. He was appointed Lieutenant of Philadelphia
County on February 18, 1778. In August, 1778, he was a member of
the Pennsylvania Assembly, and was again elected a Representative for
the County of Philadelphia on October 16, 1770. He died on November
1, 1770, at his home at Norriton township. He built the famous old
inn, now known as the Jeffersoiwille Hotel (which is located at the
foot of Egypt Road and the Ridge Pike, about five miles above Norris-
town), in 1765, and after his death his widow, Hannah Bartholomew
Thompson, to whom he was married on June 4, 1766, continued the
business and made the inn famous. It was known as the "Sign of
Jefferson" in 1803, and the village became known as Jeffersonville.
Colonel Thompson's son, Robert^ was bom in 1767. Another son, Arohi-
hald, was married, on October 15, 1781, to EUzaheth WUson. In 1704,
he was a private in the Second Company, Fourth Regiment Philadel^
phia Militia^ Colonel Andrew Guyer, and served in the Whiskey
Insurrection.

** The region where Norristown, Montgomery County, is now situated.

''Pennsylvania Gazette, November 6, 1782. p. 2, col. 3.

" Chevalier de la Luzerne succeeded M. G4rard as Minister f r(Hn France
to the United States. He landed at Boston, August 2, 1770, and served
for four years.

^Soharf and Westoott, vol. i, p. 420.

^Pennsylvania Packet, May 31, 1783.

^Benjamin MoVey [MoVeagh or MoVa^h], son of James MoVaugh
and Rehecoa WorreU (married November 1, 1744), was bom in 1748.
He was married, in Christ Church, on December 24, 1772, to Pavnel
Humphreyville, In May, 1777, he was Colonel of the Third County
Battalion; on November 24, 1777, he was Colonel of the First Bat-
talion, Philadelphia County Militia; in 1780, he commanded the Second
Battalion; and, again in 1784-86, he was Colonel of the First County
Battalion. He took the oath of allegiance to the State on April 6,
1770. In 1782, he was a candidate for the ofSce of Sheriff of the County.
He was the proprietor of a large three-storied stone tavern in Frank-
ford, at the time of his death. He died there on Friday evening, Sep-
tember 8, 1786, in his 30th year, and was interred in the Friends'
burying ground in Frankford.

''^Pennsylvania Oazette, October 1, 1783.

** Matthew Holgate was descended from Matthew Holdgate, who, with
his daughter Mary, came to Philadelphia on August 31, 1685. In 1776,
he was a Second Lieutenant in the Flying Camp; and, in November,
1778, was Captain of a Company in the Second Battalion of Phila-
delphia (Dounty Assoeiators. He took the oath of allegiance to the

«■

r-i

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 291

State on March 27, 1770; and was commissioned Lieut.-Colonel of the
Seventh County [or Germantown] Battalion on July 31, 1770. He was
feuooeeded by Lieut.-Golonel Thomas Durga/n on April 23, 1786; at that
time he became Lieut.-Golonel of the Second Battalion of Montgomery
County, Pa. On May 6, 1786, he became one of the Justices of the
Court of Common Pleas for the same county. He died in Germantown
on March 1 to 8, 1788

^^ Pennaylva/iyia Packet, April 17, 1784.

"Ibid, September 24, 1784.

^Penn^ylvama Archives, Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1854; vol. x,

p. 218.

(To be continued.)

292 America's First Bathtub.

AMERICA'S FIRST BATHTUB.

BY OEOBOE A. REID

Seven feet long, four feet wide, built of mahogany,
and weighing seventeen hundred and fifty pounds —
this was America's first bathtub. It was so heavy that
the floor of the room in which it stood had to be reen-
forced and strengthened. It was designed by its
owner, Adam Thompson, of Cincinnati, and made by a
local cabinetmaker. It created a violent discussion in
the Cincinnati papers as to whether it was dangerous
to health, many doctors affirming that ''it invited rheu-
matic fever, phthisic, and inflammation of the lungs.'*

Adam Thompson, the designer, was a rich grain and
cotton dealer, who got his idea abroad, says H. L.
Mencken, in his account of the man and his inventions.
While he was in London he learned that the Prime
Minister had a bathtub in his home — a ' ' glorified dish
pan, ' ' it was called. Thus Thompson came home with
a new idea, and started to put it into practical form.
This was in 1842.

Modem plumbing being unknown at that time, he
who would have a tank of this kind in his house must
put a hand pump into his well. In fact, practically all
houses had wells or cisterns of their own. Thomson's
next thought was for the tub itself. It must be of wood,
of course. He )ymlt a cypress tank in the garret. So
large was it that it took six negroes to keep it pumped
full. But at its best, unheated bath water afforded
rather cool comfort, so the tub maker, being ahead of
his age in more respects than one, set about supplying
heat. He rigged a coil of pipes in the chimney, so that
heat from the large grate fires warmed the water.

America's First Bathtub. 293

On December 20, 1842, Thompson had a party of
gentlemen to dinner, and boasted so of his bathtub
that four of them, including a French oflScer, tried it
for themselves. Next day the story was in the papers,
and then the fun began.

That is, it seems like fun to-day, but it was earnest
enough then. The doctors attacked the bathtub on the
ground of health, and the politicians opposed it as an
obnoxious and luxurious toy from England, designed
to corrupt American simplicity. In 1843, the Common
Council of Philadelphia considered an ordinance to
prevent any such bathing between November and
March. The ordinance failed by only two votes. In
the meanwhile, the legislature of Virginia laid a tax of
thirty dollars a year on all bathtubs that might be set
up, and special and very heavy water rates were also
laid on them. Boston actually passed an ordinance
forbidding the use of bathtubs except on medical
advice.

But it was soon a dead letter, for in 1850 the Presi-
dent of the United States decided to have a bathtub
in the White House. Millard Fillmore, it seems, when
Vice President, had visited Ciucinnati as the guest of
Adam Thompson, had taken a bath in the famous tub,
and had liked it so much that, when he succeeded Tay-
lor, he invited bids for a White House bathtub. It
was made by Harper and Qellespie of Philadelphia, and
was of thin, cast iron. It remained in the White House,
by the way, until Cleveland became President, when a
more modem contrivance took its place.

Before twenty years had passed over Adam Thomp-
son's bathtub, every hotel in New York was advertis-
ing one, and some hotels actually had three I To-day
America has almost forgotten her bathtubless days.

From The Germantown Guide.

Contributed by Mrs. H. S. Prentiss Nichols.

294 Notes and Queries.

NOTES AND QUERIES.
'ViotC0.

Ncyncs on a Couple of Vest Eablt Ghtibch Labels of Penna. By
Dr. E. S. Potter, Cresco, Pa.

To the students of genealogy and the lovers of heraldry there seems
to be no more potent field of research to delve in — than that of the
book-plate — ^those labels of individuality and history which carry owner-
ship beyond the grave. One of the adjuncts of historiography has
always seemed to be focts — ^for the actual truth in the writing of
history is a hard matter to obtain. Time passes — ^things that were
heard and told of yesterday may no longer exist today.

The charm of the book-plate or label collector consists along with
the imravelling of such facts of biographical and historical nature —
the interest associated with the individual possession of the users
thereof.

Libraries were scattered or forgotten through n^lect, need or affilia-
tion and oftentimes beyond a stray label or plate, ceased to exist.

What seems to be one of the rarest little labels of interest to Penn*
sylvanians has turned up recently, tucked away in a well-preserved
old volume out of its ordinary place, and it reads as follows:

"Ex dono Societatis pro
'Tromovendo Evangelis in
"Partibus Transmerinis in
"Usam Parochi de Uplands
'In Pennsylvania
"Anno Dom. 1703."*

thus recording the first English Church on the lower Delaware.

Christ Church, Philadelphia, had preceded but by a few years — 1606.
Exactly when the English services were established in Pennsylvania
is of uncertain date (it might be said to date with the coming of the
Swedes) as they worked in conjunction with the Swedish Church in
which they were in full communion. The Swedes, who had settled
"Opplandt" and who controlled the valley of the Delaware, had estab-
lished two churches, one at Christiania (now Wilmington), and one at
Tinicum Island, between 1638 and 1666.

There was no church in Chester until the erection of St. Paul's (a
mere frame hut), excepting the Friends' Meeting House, when Bev.
Evan Evans' was sent over to organize it and be its rector, by Bishop

^A commentary/

/upon the/First Book of Moses/called/

Genesis/By the Right Rev. Father In God

Symon/Patrick/Lord Bishop of Ely

London, 1648.

Vol. O, No. 2846 — Loganian Ltbrarv — ^Philadelphia — ^Rldgeway Branch.

* Rev. Evan Evans seems to have held varloos pailsheB, succeeding Dr.
Clayton as rector of Christ Church, Philadelphia, 1698. His dlll|rence and
zeal most have been great; since besides Sunday services in PhUadelphla.
he held public prayers on Wednesdays and Fridays, preaching also at
Chichester, Chester, Concord, Montgomery, Radnor and Perklomen, occa-
sionally. *

He seems to have been in London In 1700, or about, receiving the Com-
munion plate from Queen Anne and books for Christ Churcli.

msmmgrnBimmmtr*

Notes and Queries. 295

Compton, a great friend of Rev. George Keith. Keith was a Quaker
who, disagreeiiig with the faith in Philadelphia, was expelled or
seceded from the fold — ^went to London and took orders in the English
Church, and was then sent over as the first travelling missionary by
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, the
society which the Rev. Dr. Thoe. Bray organized from the "Society for
the Ftomotion of Christian Knowledge," and it is mainly due to Bray
that the Church suooeeded, as he supported most of tlie missionaries
in America, and to Keith, that of its being established in Pennsylvania,
niis label thus records the books which the Society presented to the
mission upon its dedication.

In the year 1670 Dr. Bray was appointed by the Bishop of London,
Commissary of Maryland, for the establishment and better regulation
of Ecclesiastical Concerns in the Province^, "after having prevailed on
Charles II that Ministers or Schoolmasters should be sent over."
While engaged in that emplovment he observed the difficulties and
discouragements under which tne missionaries labored in that country,
and reflecting on the means by which they might be removed or les-
sened, he found that a competent provision of books was absolutely
necessary, and for want of these the missionaries were often disap-
pointed.

Accordingly, his first attempt to remedy this defect was by represent-
ing the state of the case to the English Bishops and desiring their
assistance in procuring Parochial libraries for the use of the mis-
sionaries.

It was while he was busy in procuring benefaction for establishing
the libraries in the plantations that he was induced to establish
Parochial Lending Libraries in England and Wales in order that his
other plan would not fail through any opposition.

This he subjoined to his Broadside,* "Proposals for the Encourage-
ment and promoting of Religion and Learning in the foreign Planta-
tions," with the addition "The Present State of Maryland."

The account of the "Society of Christian Knowledge" is as follows:*
'Vhen the state of religion began to prosper, the Society sent the
"Rev. Mr. James Blair to Virginia, and Rev. Mr. Thos. Bray, as
"commissary to Maryland, and assisted by the generous contributions
**oi Her Royal Hiffhness, the Princess of Denmark (later Queen Ann
"of England), and many nobility, gentry and clergy, did settle and
"support several ministers in the province and fix and furnish some
"parochial or lending libraries.""

"Further on we r^ — and 'under his care (Dr. Bray) of recommend-
" 'ing and encouraging fit and worthy persons,' etc, Mr. Patrick Gour-
"don (Gordon) was sent as Missionary to New Jersey; Mr. John
"Bartow to West Chester, in the same Province; Mr. John Talbot, Rec-
"tor St. Mary's in Burlington, in New Jers^; Mr. Henry Nichols was
"settled as minister in Uplands in Pa."*

The early Vestry records of Christ Church being lost up to 1717/
our only authentic data must be from contemporary notes in such
books as are in the library and from outside history and records.
When the Rev. Mr. Clayton came to Christ Church in 1605, he probably

* These are preserved In a collection of prints and papers on the
American Colonies at Lambeth PalactL M. 8. 8., No. 1128, VoL 1, Art 8.

« Loganian Library. Q No. 478, PhUa., Pa. — 8th pamphlet

An/account/of th^Society/for/Propaaatins the Oospel?

in Forelni Parts/etc/Prlnted by order of the Society/John

Cbamberiayne/Steretary/London/1706.

•Ibid. par. No. 18-14.

•Ibid. par. No. 16.
Ibid. par. No.

vWatson," in his Annals, speaks of their having been bnmed by acci-
dent.

296 Notes and Queries.

brouffht a few books with him — the usual donation from the societ^r.
(BlUe, reading lessons, prayer books, etc), and £10 worth of books
as a personal present and the valuation of £5 of tracts and papers
to give away.

Shortly after the founding of Christ Church at Philadelphia, we
find this "Sociely for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Paxts,^
making a donation of some 327 books to Philadelphia.

These books are in the vestry of the Church. They are all stamped
in large gold letters — a supra Itbros — **For the / Libfwry of / PhUadel-
phia." From a contemporary note in one of them, they arrived in
1700, ( T) and may have been brought back by Rev. Evan Evans on
his return from London.' These books comprise many on history,
science, mathematics and classics, as well as the major portion pertain-
ing to religious matters.

Up to 1730, when the claim of anoth^ library is set forth, there
were over five hundred books to circulate. These books had been
added to by contributions from Thos. Penn, Thoe. Graone, William
Talbot, Lord Bishop of Oxford, 1702, and others. It cannot be thought
otherwise than that these bodes were used but as intended, that is,
as a lending library. Therefore, there is every indication of its being
the first public library, as the books state *'the Library of Philadelphia."

'*M<iy 2nd, 1718," there is a note to the Church Wardens '^ take
"an inventory or catalogue of the library in the custody of Dr. Evans,
**u>ho was leaving for Virginia''

"In 1728, Deo, 2Ji, the library received a large donation of about
One Hundred hooks, bound in parchment, from Ludovioe (7. BprogeU^
a member of the parish (who imported an organ which the Church
bought at Two Hundred Pounds, Sept. 2, 1728, and was used for 35
years, until 1763).

"1741, several valuable books from Rev. Arch. Cummings, the
rector."

"In April 12, 1753, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
"was left One Hundred Founds by the Rev. Chas. Chambers, of Kent,
"for books to be given and disposed of as the Society should direct,
"and they had accordingly given them to the use of Christ Church in
Philadelphia, under the care of the minister and vesUry of the said
Church," These numbered 347.

August 18, 1766, talk of taking a new catalogue.

1780, Rev. S. Preston, a Polyglot Bible in 6 volumes, 1657, and other
books.

After 1790 there were very few additions — ^the library having out-
lived its usefulness.

JoiTBNAL OF A Fbenoh Tbavelleb IN THK COLONIES, 1766. The Amer-
ican Historical Review, Volume 26, number 4, and Volume 27, number 1,
reprints a journal found by Mr. Abel Doysid while searching Paris
Archives under the general direction of the Service Hydrographique de
la Marine. The manuscript consists of 79 unnumbered pages. Paces
63 to 69 are a description, in French, of the American towns, especisdly
Norfolk, Philadelphia and New York, of their defenses and of the degree
of ease with whicn they could be attacked. "The writer was a Catholic,

William Penn. in his letters to Jaa Logan speaks of his being in
London both in 1700 and 1709.

*Th6 Sprogell books being recorded
thns — ^ux dono

Ludovlcl Cbrlstianl Sprogell

ad
Blbliothecam Bccleslae Angll-
canae In Philadelphia
Die Decembrls 24^1728.
A large type label with woodcut border.

Notes and Queries, 297

and apparently a Frenchman, but all efforts to identify him have been
unsuccessful, except that it has been demonstrated from evidence in the
French Archives that he was not M. de Pontleroy, whom Choiseul sent
over to inspect the Colonies in 1764."

In "Americana," Volume 16, Number 1, is an article entitled "The
Fries Rebellion," by Frank M. Eastman of Harrisburg, Pa. This
is taken from a book by Mr. Eastman to appear in the near future,
entitled "Courts and Lawyers of Pennsylvania." It is an account of
the extraordinary uprising against a tax for defraying the expenses
of a war with France. The principal objection was confined to the
counties of Bucks, Montgomery, Northampton and Berks. The leader
was John Fries of Milford, who had commanded a company of militia
during the Revolutionary War and also a company in tiie Whiskey In-
surrection.

The Berks County Historical Society has reached a membership of
1500- and is contemplating a fire-proof annex to its building, which will
involve an expenditure of $100,000 for construction and equipment. The
Society owns its present quarters and is frese from debt. Reading gives
$750 per annum to the cause and the county appropriates $1000.

Number 103 of the Transactions of The Western Reserve Historical
Society contains notice of the purchase of three Pennsylvania items:

1. The Expedition of Major General Braddock to Virginia; with the
two Regiments of Hacket and Dunbar, together with many little inci-
dents, giving a lively idea of the nature of the country, climate and
manner in which the officers and soldiers lived; also, the difficulties they
went through in that wilderness. London, 1765.

2. Six plans of the Different Dispositions of the English Army under
the Command of the late General Braddock in North America. I. Line
of March with the whole Baggage^ II. Plan of the disposition of the
advanced Party of four hundred men, to protect the workers while
clearing the rc«d. III. Encampment of the Detachment sent from the
Little Meadows. IV. Line of March of the Detachment sent from
the Little Meadows. V. Plan of the Field of Battle on the 0th of July,
1756. VI. A map showing the Route and Ehicampment of the Army.
By an Officer, London, 1758. Both of these are in the Collections of
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

3. A contemporary manuscript plan probably made on the spot by an
officer of the expedition, makes the collection exceedingly interesting.
This has a paper attached exhibiting by means of numbers on the map
corresponding with the description on the manuscript of the exact posi-
tion of each day's march and stopping place. Also by means of red
dotted lines the route of Captain Dobson to Isaaca Creek, Red Stone
Creek and Mr. Gist's House wnere he rejoined the arm^. Also Mr. Gist's
route to the French Fort and to the place where he rejoined the army on
July 6, 1756.

With reference to the naming of the Tinicum Island Road the Gover-
nor Printz Highway, Mr. Isaac R. Pennypacker draws attention to the
fact that Dr. A. J. Bamouw, head of the department of Germanic lan-
guages at Columbia University, had come across a deposition made before
the Leyden notary, K. Outerman, on May 10, 1663, "that Justus de la
Grange, with wife and children, sailed for New Netherland in the month
of March, 1662, and had bought there th.e island of Tinnaooncg on the
West side of the South River for 6000 (six thousand) guilders." Mr.
Pennypacker comments upon the extraordinary price of about $15,000
(normal American value) at this early date.

298 Notes and Queries.

JSOOll JHOtiCCB*

Life and Public Services of Jambs Logan. By Inna Jane Ck>oper.
New York, 192L 8vo.

Miss C/ooper has submitted, in partial fulfilment of the requirements
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Columbia University, a study
of James Logan, from the manuscripts and such printed matter as was
available, as a citizen, as an associate of Penn and as a member of sor
ciety. Miss Ckx)per'8 bibliography indicates that she has made a
close study of the available material and the pamphlet is an inter-
esting contribution to the life of an important man whom she describes
as honest, loyal, patriotic, courageous, with a devotion to family and a
capacity for work.

The Life and Works of Thomas Suult, (1783-1872). By Edward
Biddle and Mantle Fielding, Philadelphia, 1921, Wickersham Press,
Lancaster, Fa.

This book is a distinct contribution to the history of Art in America,
and more especially in Philadelphia. It contains much useful infor-
mation concerning local history, apart from Art. It is limited to an
edition of 500 copies, of which 450 are printed in quarto, and 60 on
large paper. Besides introductory matter and a careful index, the book
has 15 illustrations and 411 paces of letter press.

A well-written Memoir of Sufly (80 pp.) contains much new matter,
the result evidently of several years of effort by the authors.

The "List of Paintings*' records 2017 portraits, 65 miniatures and
548 Subject paintings, a total of 2631 works, a number so large and
the nature of the works so diverse as to enable the reader to form
some estimate not only of the versatility of the painter but also of his
immense capacity for work, a capacity he continued to possess almost
to his ninetieth year. The list enables the reader to form an estimate
also of the assiduity of the authors, most of the works up<m the list
having been traced and identified.

That Sully painted miniatures is not generally known, even by those
acquainted with his easel pictures, and it is surprising that some 65
miniatures have been listed.

The "List of Paintings" as prepared by the authors is interesting
reading matter. It gives the price paid to Sully as shown by the
original Register owned by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania and
written throughout in Sully's minute and painstaking hand; also the
dimensions of each work; for whom it was painted; and the present
owner as far as known to the authors, and so mudi information oon-
oeming old Philadelphia families that the list will probably be useful
to students of genealogy.

The book is well printed, the illustrations are chiefly the work of
the Intaglio-Gravure Company of Philadelphia and are so well done as
to cause regret that it does not contain many more reproductions of
Sully's work, but doubtless the great expense of doii^ this deterred the
publishers.

The authors suggest that a Tablet might be placed on some building
close to the site of Sully's former home and studio Fifth & Ranstead
Streets, Philadelphia, as has been done to mark upon the Drexel Build-
ing the site of Gilbert Stuart's studio. (J. F. L.)

An Introduction to the History of Chbistianitt, A. D. 590-1314.
By F. J. Foakes Jackson. New York. The Macmillian Company. 1021.

The author of this book is an Anglican Churchman, who was called to
Union Seminary, New York, in 1914, while still retaining his fellowship
in Jesus dJoUege, Cambridge University. The width of his scholarly

» . .1 ■ll||l-«a»irife«^H^rr!«l«iBHIBiMVi^PV^^V«^««^M^«7«^i9^^"iW«

Notes and Queries. 299

ability appears when it is recalled that only a year earlier he published,
in coUaboration with Prof. Kirsopp Lake, another English scholar, now
connected with Harvard University, the first volume Si a work entitled
The Beginnings of Christianity, That is the most ambitious undertak-
ing that has been attempted by modem English theology in the history
of the early church. Unlike the traditional Briton iSie author gener-
ously recognizes the assistance given him by many American scholars,
and particularly "the literary assistance" rendered by his friend Bar-
rett Wendell.

It is always a question where a study of medieval Church history shall
begin and end. At first sight arbitrarily but with good reason, Dr.
Jackson chooses for his limits the age of Pope Gregory the Great, who
marks the beginning of a new age as lying beyond the age of the clas-
sical civilization, and, for the other limit the year 1314, with the death
of Clement V and Philip the Fair, the age of the doom of the Holy
Roman Empire and the appearance of Dante's immortal poem, the epic
of the Middle Ages. Most remarkably there is no table of contents to
the volume, a strange oversight on the part of the author and pub-
lisher. But the sucoseding chapters are logically arranged, beginning
with studies of the growth of the Papacy as the center of the earlier
history, and then proceeding to the various developments of that his-
tory, the relations with the Empire, the Crusades, the Church and learn-
ing, the discipline of the Church, the Church in the several nations,
concluding with a Survey of Society and a chapter on Dante.

The book is written with exemplaiy art. The writer appears to have
the layman in view and gives a delightfully written story, unencum-
bered by details of investiffation. His general references he cites at the
end of each chapter. He shows the control of a master in his exposition
of facts and of their inner relation and interpretation. His ability for
special investigation appears in occasional eaoursus in which he pursues
some theme that requires expansion, as for instance the obscure rela-
tions between the Eastern and Western Church. While entirely a
modem in his ecclesiastical and ethical judgments, and unabashed in
pronouncing them, he is in general sympathetic with the age he studies.
He appreciates warmly such great ecclesiastics as Gregory I and Hilde-
brand, and gives full credit to the influences exercised by the Church in
that complex civilization. The book is to be warmly recommended as a
most admirable introduction to the history of an age that is the mother
of our own. To too many people that age is "dark" because of the
complexities of a social and religious life different from that of modem
times. We are grateful to a scholar who can be our cicerone in illu-
minating it. • J. A. M.

Wab Rations fob Pbnnstlvanians. By George Nox McCain. Phila-
delphia, The John C. Winston Company. 1020. 8vo. pp. 273.

In this volume Mr. McCain has told the story of the operations of
the Federal Food Administration in Pennsylvania in a most entertain-
ing way. It is not a statistical record of the work of the Administration,
but the story of the men in the period of trial and struggle who laid
aside their business and professional responsibilities to assume a task
requiring experience, judgment and ability without compensation. Into
the hands of these gentlemen were placed the questions of food supply
and food conservation for ten millions of people. The Executive Staff
consisted of less than one hundred persons. There was not even the
nominal salary of one dollar a year. There were no uniforms nor insignia
to be worn by those members. Experts were needed in all lines of
production and distribution. The list of volunteer experts embraced
men familiar with the supply and demand of farm products, perishable
fruits and vegetables, and mill and refinery products of fiour and

'-r^

300 Notes and Queries.

sugar, including tran8p<niation facilities and trade distribution. There
is not a single instance in Pennsylvania in which any one of those
volunteer advisers withheld information of value or declined helpful
advice to the solution of complex problems. ''It was a matter of i>er-
sonal knowledge to every member of the headquarters staff in Phila-
delphia that in numerous instances specialists suggested official acticm
that was distinctly inimical to their own business and financial inter-
ests." Newspaper publicity was the direst punishment that could be
inflicted. Prayers and entreaties were of no avail to save the guilty
from this deserved penalty. Eveir instrument was used to keep the
names of those convicted out of tne newspapers. One concern <^ered
$10,000 if its name could be omitted from the public prints. Par-
ticular reference is made to the aid extended to the Administration
by the Ck)mmittee of Public Safety and Council of National Defense.
One of the finest records made by Pennsylvania during the War was
the liberality with which it sustained the Federal Food Administration
within its borders. This book cannot fail to be interesting to all Penn-
sylvanians. (M.)

OuB Rifles. By Charles Winthrop Sawyer. Boston, The Comhill Co.
12mo. pp. 409. $4.60.

In this third volume of the Firearms in American History series
Mr. Sawyer has produced an admirable manual which will be of great
assistance to museum directors as well as those who are interested
in the development of the fiint lock into the modem rifle. Historically
it is interesting to note that in what the author describes as the flint
lock period there were 62 makers of guns who were Pennsylvanians
out of 06 so listed. It is unnecessary to state that the author is op-
posed to disarmament. He believes in government-subsidized rifle prac-
tice as the best protection of the nation. (M.)

The Cbadu of Pennsylvania. By Thomas Willing Balch. Phila.,
Allen, Lane and Scott. 16mo. pp. 41.

The author makes a very vivid appeal for the preservation of Tinicum
Island and the land adjacent as Governor Prints Park and the develop-
ment of the road from Philadelphia to Wilmington as The Qovemor
Printz Highway. Nya GkSteborff was the first permanent white colony
settled within Pennsylvania, although Etienne Brul4 was the first white
man to enter the State in 1616. Printz was an able Qovemor from
1643 to 1663, and it is eminently proper that this interesting gioimd
should be preserved in his name m>m the encroachments of business
interests. (H.)

Yeab Book of the Pennsylvania Society, 1021. Edited by Barr
Ferree.

Mr. Ferree has brought out a publication fully as interesting as those
to which we are aocu^med. Since 1901 this record of the year has
had an ever-widening influence, not only in the State of Pennsylvania^
but among our neighbors, who are thus confronted with what is worth
while in our history and present condition. An excellent portrait of
Governor Sproul serves as a frontispiece and there are facsimiles of
important letters and cuts of objects of interest throughout the Com-
monwealth. There is a list of the honors conferred upon members of
the Society and reviews of books by Pennsylvanians and concerning
Pennsylvania. The speeches at the Twenty-second Annual Dinner are
given in full. Those of Mr. Schwab and Qovemor Sproul are particu-
larly interesting in these times of reconstruction. (M.)

. PUBLICATION FUND

OF THE

Historical Society of Pennsylvania

This Fund which now amounts to $42,000, is made up of
subscriptions of $25 each, which have been invested by the Trus-
tees, and the interest only used for the publication of historical
matter. Copies of all publications are sent to subscribers to the
Fund during their lives, and to libraries for twenty years. The
fund has published fourteen volumes of Memoirs of the
Society and forty-four volumes of The Pennsylvania Maga-
2ine of History and Biography.

Of the Magazine about 25 sets remain on hand. As long as
this edition lasts, persons who subscribe $25 to the capital account
and wish complete sets of the Magazine can obtain the forty-four
volumes bound, and numbers of current volume, for $60 extra.
These subscribers will also receive all future issues of the Maga-
zine and Memoirs.

TRUSTEES OF THE PUBLICATION FUND

THOMAS LYNCH MONTGOMERY, LITT.D., EDITOR

1300 Locust Street, Philadelphia.

LLOYD FAMILY

By
HOWARD WILLIAMS LLOYD

Containing Mr. Lloyd's valuable coIlectionB of genealogical data
from Pennsylvania, English and Welsh records relating to families
concerning which little or nothing has been written. The following
genealogies embrace an important part of his labors: —

Awbrey-Vaughan, Blunston, Burbeck, Garrett, Gibbons, Heaeook,
Hodge, Houlston, Howard, Hunt, Jarman, Jenkins-Grifflth, Jones,
Knight, Knowles, Lloyd, Newman, Paschall, Paul, Pearson, Pennell,
Pott, Pyle, Reed, Sellers, Smith, Thomas, Till, Williams, Wood, and
Wynne. In addition to these genealogies, the volume cx)ntains
Calendar of MSS. in the collection of the late James J. Levick, M.D.,
Births at Bala and Lay Subsidy Rolls for Merionethshire, Flintshire
and Montgomeryshire.

Copies of the book, an 8yo of 437 pages, indexed, bound in cloth,
can be purchased from the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1300
Locust Street, Philadelphia. Price, S6.00.

Thomas I.ynph Montgomery,

Librarian.

THE PENNSYLVANIA HISTORICAL STUDY

ENCOURAGEMENT FUND.

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The Swedish Setdements on the Delaware, 1638-1664. By

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2 voU., 8vo. 899 pp. 6 maps and 146 illuatrations. Price, $6.

Peimsylvaiiia and the Federal Constitution, 1787-1788. Edited bj

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The Records of Holy Trinity (Old Swedes) Church, Wilmington,

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Southern Quakers and Slavery. By s. b. Weeks, sto. 40o pp.

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Early History of the University of Pennsylvania from its Origin to

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History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania. By w. r.

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VoL XLV OCTOBER. I92I No. 180

THE

PENNSYLVANIA
MAGAZINE

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY

PUBUSHBD QUAItTERLY

PUBLISHCD BY

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OP PENNSYLVANIA

rOR SUBSCRIBCRS

PHILADCLPHIA

I92I

ror S»le «l 1300 Loont Street, Philadelphia. Price 75 cents

per Number, or 13.00 per year

CONTENTS.

FAGE

The Life and Works of Benjamin West (Illustrated.) By Hon.
Hampton L. Caraon 301

The Washington Pedigree; Corrigenda and Addenda. By Charles

H, BrowMng 820

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. (Illustrated,)

(Continued.) 364

Notes and Queries 388

Book Notices 394

BOUND V0LUMS8 OF THS MAOAZINB.

Copies of all the volumes of this Maoazins can be obtained at the
Hall of The Historical Society, bound by Hyman Zucker, in th« very
best manner, in the style known as Roxburgh, half cloth, uncut edges,
gilt top, for $4.26 each and the postage. They will be furnished to sub-
soribers in exchange for unbound numbers, in good oondition, ob the
reeeipt of $1.26 per volume and the postage.

PRINTED BT PATTBB80N A WRITB CO.

WEST FAMILY GROUP
Fnim tlie painting by Dfnjaniin West
recently purdianed fur the Nnaiiville Art Ai

Prcmident, Mrs, James C. Bradford

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THE

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.

Vol. XLV. 1921, No. 4.

THE LIFE AND WORKS OP BENJAMIN WEST.*

BY HON. HAMPTON L. CAKSON.

Members and Guests of the Art Alliance, Fellow
Members of the Historical Society: I bid you welcome
to these halls* As you all know, the Art Alliance is at
the present time holding a most interesting exhibition
of pictures by Benjamin West, which have been loaned
for the purpose of stimulating renewed interest in West
and his work.

The committee in charge of that particular exhibition
called on me about a fortnight ago and asked that the
Historical Society should loan its own portraits and
drawings and books, but I was obliged to say that the
Council, acting under what I think is a very proper pre-
caution, had to decline the request. You can readily
understand that we cannot permit our own pictures to
be taken from the walls, because if we did it in one
instance we would be obliged to do it for almost every
celebration or exhibition tiiat is held, and from an en-
tirely fireproof building some of the precious treasures

* An addreBB delivered before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
S. W. Comer of Thirteenth and Locust Streets, Philadelphia, Pa., on
the evening of Monday, December 12, 1921.

Vol. XLV.— 21 301

302 The Life and Works of Benjamin West.

in our possession would be removed and exposed to a
risk which insurance cannot compensate. It may be
easy to collect the money on an insurance policy, but
insurance can never restore a burnt portrait.

I said, however, that we were perfectly willing, in
order to express our entire sympathy with the Art
Alliance exhibition, to hold a special meeting in the
hall of this society, to which the members of the Art
Alliance and their friends would be cordially invited,
and that after a few general remarks from the Presi-
dent an opportunity would be given of studying what
we have in the way of a West Collection. I think by
the time you have made your examination you will be
surprised as well as delighted at the extent, variety and
excellence of our collection.

John Buskin once said that great nations wrote their
autographs in three manuscripts : in books of deeds, in
books of words, and in books of art ; and that a careful
reading of all three was necessary to a complete knowl-
edge of the history of a nation. Then, with that
predilection for Art which was characteristic of him,
he added * ' And perhaps the third book is the only one
that is trustworthy.*'

The thought expressed by Buskin in general terms,
was a premonition, so to speak, of the spirit which is
animating the studies and the thoughts of men and
women of to-day, — that in order to understand the real
life of a people, in order to grasp the true meaning of
the right movement of the ages, we must broaden our
view and not confine our attention to but portions of
events which play a fractional although important part
in national development.

When I was iu school, and even for many years later,
the standpoint of most teachers and lecturers on history
was to view the American Bevolution as though it were
a detached event in human history ; and it was not until
recently that students began to perceive that the story

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 303

of the American Revolution was but a single chapter in
the great volume of human fate. We now realize
that there can be no adequate appreciation of the im-
portance, the dignity and majesty of our national life
unless we sweep the horizon with an eagle glance and
carry into the picture all of the influences which make
for the uplift of humanity and for the education of men
and women in whatever condition of society they may
be found.

Mr. Wells's recent book on ^* Outlines of History*'
whatever we may think either of his conclusions or of
the way in which he has reached them, carries convic-
tion to the mind of the reader that he rests upon a true
basic thought when he says that all human history is a
unit, and that whether we begin five hundred thousand
years ago and trace history through prehistoric man
down through the buried and ruined cities which we
excavate, or whether we begin with the turmoil and
activity of the last six thousand years, signifies but
little, for all periods are but a part of the same vast
scheme of evolution and development.

Although I am going to talk only about the works of
one man, and he a Pennsylvanian, yet at the same time
it will be seen that he played an important part in the
general history of our American development. Is it
not remarkable that in Pennsylvania, at a time when
we had but fifty thousand people in a Conmionwealth
which now numbers ten millions, it should happen that
a lad bom in a humble structure, in a field with an open
spring, with no sword, no office, no influence, no power-
ful family to push his interests, with no other instru-
ment of success save that of the painter's brush, should
have so far impressed himself upon a hostile nation
endeavoring to deprive us of the political and basic
constitutional rights of our race, as to win its highest
honors in Art and that his dead body should be carried
by British statesmen and warriors to a crypt beneath

304 The Life and Work^ of Benjamin West.

the dome of St. Paul's, there to rest side by side with
Sir Joshua Reynolds and Sir Christopher Wren!

It is well worth dwelling upon to ascertain how it was
that a lad of such modest origin should so far influence
the life of his time that we are now assembled to recog-
nize his worth, to correct, so far as we can, by our own
revived interest, the inattention, the neglect, the lack
of appreciation which has obscured his fame for more
than seventy years.

Benjamin West was bom October 10, 1738, on what
is now the campus of Swarthmore College. I shall
throw pictures on the screen in a few moments, but I
prefer first to give you a general verbal outline of his
career before the illustrations are shown. As early as
the age of seven he manifested his artistic talents.
There are some remarkable stories told about him.
Some have been discredited, others have been positively
denied ; but nevertheless they have a persistent vitality
about them, a charm and simplicity of their own which
justify me in repeating one or two of them, although
you must not expect me critically to examine the evi-
dence upon which each rests.

Much surprise has been expressed that the Quaker
lad, as he was called, bom into an atmosphere far from
artistic, should have developed a taste and displayed a
genius for art. There has been a spirited controversy
among writers as to whether he was a Quaker or not.
Mr. Gait, his biographer, contends that he was a
Quaker. Dr. Sharpless, the late President of Haver-
ford, insisted that he was a Quaker; and you will find
Dr. Sharpless 's testimony to that effect in the West
family Bible loaned us by Mr. Howard Edwards.
Charles Henry Hart was of opinion that inasmuch as
John West himself, the father of Benjamin, was
not in good standing in Quaker Meeting, Benjamin
could not have been a Quaker ; and also because of the
fact that West in no portrait exhibited himself in

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 305

Quaker garb, although as you will see in his picture of
the West family group his father and half-brother and
wife are in Quaker dress, while the artist himself is not.
But we must not draw the conclusion that because West
painted his father in Quaker garb he necessarily was a
Quaker at the time of West's birth. It was only last
evening that I learned that the father had been re-
admitted to good standing in Meeting three years after
his return to England, in 1765, and the picture being
painted about three years later, indicates, of course,
the then personal status.

The important thing that is manifest is that West's
talent and zeal and persistency were not characteristic
of Quakers. However much he may have startled
some of the sect by attempting to walk in worldly fields,
yet the story is told of encouragement extended to the
boy by Pennington and Williamson, both of whom were
strict Quakers, so definitely to the advantage of the
lad in the development of his talents.

It is said that when he was but seven years of age
he had fraternized with Indian chiefs, who camped out
in the neighboring fields and had red and yellow pig-
ments; that they taught him how to use colors in
drawing birds and insects and other natural objects
about him. To these pigments his mother added a stick
of indigo, — which supplied him with the three primary
colors, red, yellow and blue ; and soon he became master
of the secondary colors by mixing them.

The story also was that while his sister, a married
woman, was out in the garden plucking flowers, he was
left in charge of the crib, and the baby smiled in her
sleep ; the boy, attracted by that smile, took a stub of a
pen which was on the desk and made a little sketch of
the baby. When the infant's mother and grandmother
returned he attempted to conceal it from fear of cen-
sure, but his mother said, ' ' Why, he has made a picture
of Sally." West afterwards declared : that his Mother's

306 The Life and Works of Benjamin West.

•

smile, and the Mother's kiss that followed it, made him
an artist. Those are his own words as quoted by Gait
Although Gait gives some highly-colored touches, I can
scarcely conceive it possible that the book is based on
a series of fabrications, and for these reasons: Gait
distinctly says that he submitted his book to West for
examination, the book was printed in West's lifetime,
and unless West was determined to impose fraudulently
upon a credulous public those stories if false would have
been stricken out.

Finding that he had been supplied by Indian chiefs
with color; that he had been successful in depicting a
baby in the cradle — and you will soon see John Sar-
tain's picture of the incident on the screen — ^then he
found he had no proper brushes, and he was told that
camel 's hair brushes were in use. Well, he had no such
brushes, and so it was, according to the story, that his
childish ingenuity manifested itself by his taking hairs
from the cat's tail, and the cat soon presented such a
mottled appearance that her good health was questioned
by the father of Benjamin. His mother explained that
the cat had been clipped to supply the boy with hairs
from which to make brushes.

A painter in Philadelphia, by the name of Williams,
hearing what the boy had done, sent him a box of colors,
some paint brushes, and a few engravings to stimulate
his imagination ; with these he retired to the garret^ and
then began to teach himself, and made two or three dis-
coveries. On one occasion the lad was ill, and, lying in
a darkened room saw passing across the counterpane a
white cow, marching from one side of the room to the
other and then disappearing. He also saw a train of
little pigs running in the same way. He mentioned the
fact to those about him and they, having eyes but seeing
not, said, *'He is delirious." The doctor was called in
to take his temperature and count his pulse. He found
no excess temperature and the pulse perfectly normal,

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 307

so the thoughtful boy sought for an explanation. He
found it in a perforated knot-hole in the shutter which
closed the window, letting in a ray of light. West
began to speculate about the matter, and, pursuing his
investigation, in time invented the camera ohscura —
a self invention. He mentioned it to his painter
friend, Williams, who said **It is very creditable to you
that you invented it yourself, but I received, a few
weeks ago, a complete camera from England. " So it is
plain that, while he was not the original discoverer of
the principle upon which the camera was invented, yet
so far as his own thoughts were concerned, he was en-
tirely original in his own artistic conception.

He was then thirteen or fourteen years of age.
About this time he was introduced to a charming girl
of the name of Elizabeth Shewell. The boy who intro-
duced them was later known to history as ^*Mad
Anthony Wayne. ' ' Young West and Elizabeth Shewell
fell in love with each other, but as they were children
they had to wait. West was poor. He went into Lan-
caster County, and there made friends, and as a particu-
lar friend a man of the name of William Henry, a manu-
facturer, who afterwards was a member of the Conti-
nental Congress, — West's portraits of Henry and
his wife are on yonder wall. He also became favorably
known to the celebrated young Scotchman, James
Wilson, one of the Signers of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence and one of the Framers of the Constitution
of the United States. He also became a pupil under
the first Provost of the University of Pennsylvania,
Provost William Smith; graduating as a member of
the class of 1757. Above my head to the left hangs one
of the earliest portraits painted by West, that of Dr.
Smith as a middle-aged man.

By. this time his fame was spreading. He went to
New York to seek encouragement there. He found it,
although he later said that as New York was uncon-

308 The Life and Works of Benjamm West.

genial soil he preferred Philadelphia; but it should
never be forgotten that Mr. William Kelly, a New
York merchant, whose portrait he was then painting,
was so much impressed that, without West*s knowledge
at the time, he sent to his agent in Philadelphia a letter
of credit for fifty pounds, to aid the struggling young
artist. That credit was the basis of his Italian studies.

There was a food shortage in Italy, then at war with
France, and food was being shipped from Philadelphia
to Naples. William Allen, who afterward founded
Allentown, after whom Allen *s Lane, above Q-erman-
town, is named, and who served as Chief Justice of
Pennsylvania for a period of twenty-eight years ; and
whose father-in-law, Andrew Hamilton, was the archi-
tect of the State House, were both West's patrons, and
they with Mr. Kelly sent the young man abroad to study
Roman art and Grecian sculpture in Italy. He left our
shores in 1760 at the age of nearly twenty-two, and
never returned.

His love for the bright, * * apple-cheeked girl, * * as he
called her, continued unabated. They had promised to
marry each other so soon as his means justified, but this
was a long way off. He spent three years in the study
of art in Italy — at a time, we must remember, when the
Italian galleries were unspoiled by any depredations on
the part of Napoleon. He enjoyed Italy to the full ex-
tent of her glory. He had the advantage of Venice,
Florence, Pisa, and Bome. He could study also great
classical statues ; and we can see the result of his study
in his drawings, in his power to express anatomically
the strength and beauty of an arm, a back or a shoulder,
or the magnificent chest of Apollo, whom he likened to
a Mohawk Indian. It is said, — and this would tend to
discountenance the idea that he was at heart a Quaker
— that when he first saw the statue of Apollo
Belvedere he exclaimed, **My God, Apollo is like a
young Mohawk savage!'^ To his hearers, who were

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 309

shocked by his comparing the most beautiful of the
Greeks to an American Indian, he justified his state-
ment. He said, *'Why, I have seen these Indians
stripped, exercising, drawing the bow, bringing their
muscles into play, and pursuing their quarry, so that
their chests expand ; they are precisely like the Apollo
Belvedere. ' '

The Italians asked him to paint a portrait in compe-
tition with Mengs, a German artist then in Italy. This
he did, and in the gallery when West's picture was
displayed it was far superior in the mastery of color to
that displayed by the highly-reputed German.

Prior to this. West had made a careful study of the
methods employed by Titian, and spent two years and
a half trying to learn how Titian mixed his colors. He
then decided that the mixing of colors was not the most
important feature, but that this must be supplemented
by delicacy in the stroke of the brush and the skill of
the eye in detecting tones. Thereafter West used the
brush delicately and blended his tints with half tones.

At the age of twenty-five West went to England and
there met Archbishop Drummond, who became his
friend. He met also Burke, Dr. Johnson, Sir Joshua
Reynolds, and Oliver Goldsmith. The Archbishop read
to him one night, finding he had his head full of classi-
cal subjects, a thrilling passage from Tacitus, describ-
ing' * Agrippina landing with the ashes of Germanicus. * ^
Drummond asked West to sketch the incident, which
West did over night. The Archbishop showed the draw-
ing to George HE. The King recognized talent in it, and
said, ** Send the young man to me.'' He was intro-
duced to the Boyal presence, and they fell to talking
about Begulus, and West then painted, within a very
brief time, the '* Departure of Begulus From Eome.''
That was the first picture George IH bought from
West, who soon became historical painter to the King.

A dispute, in the meantime, had taken place between

310 The Life and Works of Benjamin West.

the artists of the day over the best methods for the pro-
motion of art, and Sir Joshua Beynolds was one of the
unsatisfied. In order to protect Reynolds from what
he thought was unjustified criticism and opposition, the
King founded The Royal Academy, in 1765, and Sir
Joshua became the first president. He held the presi-
dency until 1792, when Benjamin West became his suc-
cessor. West's long career through that time was one
of unbroken success, painting the thirty-eight pictures
of royal selection to be seen at Windsor.

Witiiiu two years of his arrival in England he had
established himself on so firm a basis that he wrote to
Elizabeth Shewell, asking her to come to him that they
might be married. She had an obtuse brother, who did
not wish her to marry an unknown man, and it is said
he locked her into a room and confined her there so long
that all visible connection or correspondence between
the young people had ceased. Here is the story : the
moment she heard that success had smiled upon her
lover, and that his arms were extended to her across
the sea, she sought to escape from her prison house;
and on a certain night with the aid of Benjamin Frank-
lin, William White, afterwards Bishop White, and
Francis Hopkinson, she effected her escape. That was
a beautiful conspiracy ! Here we have a future Bishop
of the diocese, a famous philosopher, and the author of
* * The Battle of the Kegs ' ' rescuing a lady from a third-
story window, by throwing up a rope ladder to her,
during her brother's sleep; they also had a convenient
coach at a dark comer of the roadside ; and drove down
to the river, at Chester, where they were holding a
sloop. And, behold. West's father was there, with
Matthew Pratt, the artist. And thus was she carried
across the ocean; and married to West at St. Martin's
in the Fields. No Quaker escapade was that !

Mr. Hart denies the story, but I cannot find sub-
stantiation of his denial except his bald assertion that

^ea^smmmn^f^m^'^^tmimmmtBmi^immimmmmm^^^mifsmmmmmtmmm^mmmmB

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 311

the story was not true. Benjamin Franklin was fifty-
eight at that time. Bishop White only eighteen, and
Francis Hopkinson twenty-five. The escaping girl was
nineteen. Whether it was a dark or a moonlight night is
not stated, but at all events the conspiracy succeeded.
The important feature of the matter is this, that the
story was told by Bishop White to a Mr. Swift, of Eas-
ton, and he repeated it to Sully, who afterward was a
pupil of Benjamin West. To say that all this can be
swept aside, and the Bishop discredited, because of the
assertion by Matthew Pratt, himself a fellow-conspira-
tor and a witness to the wedding, in his diary that she
was married with the express approval of all her rela-
tives and friends — ^amounting to an express contradic-
tion of the disapproval of her brother — strikes me as
being too slight as evidence of contradiction ; at least, I
would not like to talk to twelve men in the box and ex-
pect them to believe the denial, — ^and when I say
* ^ twelve men in the box, ^ ' of course, I mean there would
be six women to be convinced, as well as six men.

West painted four classes of pictures: portraits,
minor historical scenes, great historical scenes, and
religious subjects. The cloud which settled down for
so long a time upon his fame was due measurably to
the fact that most of his subjects ceased to attract,
where they did not actually repel. The public taste had
changed. I have recollections of my own visits to the
Academy of Fine Arts, on the site of the old Chestnut
Street Opera House, and I can recall my childish gasps
in looking at Death on the Pale Horse. I do not feel so
now. I regard that picture as a prevision of the late
agonies of a World War. Were we not all stirred by
the pages of that master work of the Spanish novelist,
Ibanez, ^*The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse''?
Did we not see War, Famine, Pestilence and Death in
ghastly reality! Did we not realize the truth in the
visions of St. John! Suppose that West's picture had

312 The Life and Works of Benjamin West.

been exhibited during the war, would we not have found
in it an artistic expression of our realization of what
we were living through? Remember that West lived
not only through the American Revolution, but the
horrors of the French Revolution, of The Reign of Ter-
ror, and of the Napoleonic Wars, .when Europe was
deluged with blood from the Alps to the Neva. With
West's portrayal before us we realize that as a supreme
artist he had given expression to the thoughts then
burning in the minds of men.

Take the religious picture, ^^ Christ Healing the
Sick/^ the great picture which hangs on the walls of the
Pennsylvania Hospital. There is an artistic expres-
sion of the fact, never before so much thought of in the
world's history as in our own day that Christ walked
the wards of the hospitals to relieve the pain and the
suffering that war had caused. Take, too, his picture
of Christ Rejected, and recall that it was painted dur-
ing that period in France when Christianity had been
abolished, and the Qoddess of Reason had heen substi-
tuted. Plainly his picture expressed the spirit of
France in casting out Christianity and the Church.

In order to realize what creative artists mean when
they paint allegories, what they feel, what they intend
to convey as lessons to humanity, as their messages
whisper through the centuries, we must place ourselves
in their position and visualize events as tibey saw them.
Then only can we feel as they felt.

From the standpoint of artistic criticism of "yj^est's
merits or defects of execution I do not feel myself
competent to pass judgment upon these works of art.
I looked, yesterday, at the portraits assembled by the
Art Alliance and I confess that I was not aware that
West was so fine a portrait painter. With the historical
scenes I was more familiar.

In this last class. West did a distinctive thing: he
abolished the classic costume in the robing of English

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The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 313

warriors and heroes in the hour of death. He was
called upon to paint ^'The Death of Wolfe on the Plains
of Abraham.'^ His conception was against the express
criticism of Sir Joshua Reynolds, who would have
wrapped a Roman toga about the dying Wolfe. West
sturdily said, * * This battle took place in the year 1758,
out in tiie wilds of Canada. That Indian, who was there
with his scalping knife and tomahawk, knew nothing
about a toga, and it is inappropriate. ' ' And so, in spite
of his Master, he painted in the scarlet coat and the
plumes and the war bonnet. The realism, the pro-
priety of making his pictures fit the facts and suit the
historic atmosphere in time captivated Sir Joshua and
he surrendered ; and from that time it became evident
that West had taught the artists a lesson that they
never forgot, for never again did an English soldier, or
an American, appear in the dress of Greeks or Romans.

Let me now call your attention to our exhibits. The
picture which hangs over the mantelpiece is one of the
finest and largest of his portraits. It is of William
Hamilton, of the Woodlands, and his niece, Mrs. Lyle.
If that picture were cleaned, and a coat of varnish
given to it, you would find all the brilliant sureness of
the original. There is also a delicacy about it in tone,
and also a fine accuracy in the painting of the hands
of Mrs. Lyle — the artist succeeding in a detail which
Gilbert Stuart shunned.

The two little pictures at the right of the mantelpiece
are the original studies which Benjamin West executed
preparatory to painting the portraits of King George
ni and Queen Charlotte. To the right is a small head
of West from the brush of Sir Thomas Lawrence. On
the easel is a larger portrait of West, by the same artist.
By the fireplace is a portrait of the wife of Thomas
Hopkinson, the famous electrician, who discovered what
we call ** points," whidi stimulated the imagination of

314 The Life and Works of Benjamin West.

Benjamin Franklin and started him on his electrical
studies, which made him immortal.

Around the comer, in the other room^ you will find
two early paintings by West, those of William Henry
and his wife, the Lancaster portraits, contemporaneous
with this above my head of Provost Smith.

In the cases, you will find in two sketch books 110
drawings by West ; on the tables seven huge folio vol-
umes of John Galt^s ^*Life of West," extra illustrated,
with autograph letters. There, too, is the receipt for
West's funeral expenses in 1820 in the sum of £696 — a
silent witness of the august ceremony attending his in-
terment in St. Paul's — a tribute by the British nation to
the Delaware County lad of Pennsylvania. There is
also his correspondence with royalty and noblemen
and scientific men on both sides of the water, counting
over 300 letters in manuscript in West's handwriting.
West was also an autograph collector, and his speci-
mens — 532 in number, go back, as. you will observe, to
the reign of Louis XIV and include the autographs
of Catherine the Great, Charles V, Queen Isabella,
Lorenzo de Medici, and Napoleon I, and among paint-
ers, Poussin, Salvator Bosa, Reynolds, Harlow and
Flaxman. Also you will find the family Bible of West,
also some autograph letters of his, one of which is
addressed to Copley, which I will soon throw on the
screen. You will observe that some of his principal
drawings can be regarded as original studies for several
of his most famous pictures. In short, we have here,
within these walls, and owned by The Historical So-
ciety of Pennsylvania, as extraordinary collection of
*'Westiana" as can anywhere be found. Some were
purchased, others picked up and presented to us by
enthusiastic admirers of the artist. Nowhere on
either side of the Atlantic, will you find in single owner-
ship so complete a collection as we have here.

When succeeding Sir Joshua as President of the

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 315

Royal Academy in 1792 West was offered a Knighthood
by the King, but refused the honor, *'It is not to my
taste/' said he, **nor is it necessary to my fame/'

West lives, too, in his pupils ; he became the teacher
of many American artists, of whom some were fifteen,
twenty or even thirty years younger than himself, and
thus transmitted his style, feeling and enthusiasm to
other men. He taught Charles Willson Peale, Gilbert
Stuart, Thomas Sully, Washington Allston, and even
the inventor, Samuel Morse, of electric telegraph fame.

(Pictures are thrown on the screen).

This is West's birthplace, built in the year 1725, now
standing on the campus at Swarthmore. About 1874
fire damaged the house, but fortunately did not reach
the room in which West was bom, which is to the left
of the doorway. In other respects the house is much
in the position and condition that it originally had,
having been carefully restored by the trustees of
Swarthmore College.

Here is a purely imaginative piece called **The
Young Artist "or * * The Inspired Boy, ' ' which serves as
a frontispiece to an abridged * * Life of West, ' ' by Gait,
published in Boston in the year 1832. The first edition
of Gait's Life was printed in Philadelphia, in 1816,
during West's lifetime, and, as the title page tells
us, compiled from materials furnished by himself, put-
ting an end, I should think, to the doubts of the
authenticity of the stories.

Here is John Sartain's imaginative effort to give sub-
stance to the attempt of West to draw a picture of his
baby niece; there, too, is the cat, seemingly satisfied
with any robbery committed on her tail.

There is a sketch of John West, the father of Benja-
min West, drawn by Benjamin when he was about
seventeen years of age, about the year 1753. There is

316 The Life and Works of Benjamin West.

no attempt at elaboration, but a few strong strokes
give expression both to the figare and to the face.

Here is a picture of the West family, painted by West
years after he had married Elizabeth Shewell. West
himself is seen in the extreme right-hand comer of the
picture, standing behind the chair. His father is sit-
ting immediately in front of him, and his half-brother
is seated beside the father. The extraordinary incident
with regard to this is that the boy seated beside his
father had never seen his father untU the arrival of the
party from America in 1765, he being the child of the
first wife, who remained in England while John West
went to America; she died in giving birth to the boy;
Benjamin was the youngest son of John West and
Sarah Pearson, the second wife. Matthew West, the
other son, is the larger boy standing in the left comer,
and Benjamin West, Junior, is the baby in the lap
of Mrs. West, — ^Elizabeth Shewell, who so lightly de-
scended that rope ladder, steadied by the firm hand
of Franklin.

Here is Matthew Pratt 's portrait of Benjamin West,
painted in London, at about the period of time of his
marriage ; and here is the picture of the girl who made
her escape, painted by the same artist.

Here is one of the scarcest of the portraits of West,
published as an engraving in 1768. The artist is un-
known, but the picture appears in Gait, marked simply
as ''The Scarce Portrait of 1768. ''

Here is a mezzotint by William Pether of West, after
William Lawrenson, which is regarded as still scarcer
than the preceding picture; but it gives you a more
satisfactory view, as containing two-thirds of his face.
At that time he was about forty-two years of age.

Here is Gilbert Stuart ^s portrait of Benjamin West,
Stuart being his pupil. Those of you who can see the
left-hand corner of the picture, where the name of the
artist appears, will see the name of * * Gabriel Stuart. ^ * I

riiiiite,! by himself in ITlia
[irodiici^l from tlie piifrniving liy W. T, Fry

•^ - *- .Jr^rUOe^^y'T^

9"^^

^^:

'^-w.

From the original letter in The Historical Society of

Pen lis viva Ilia

T H S

«i^>m»*

PROP

OS A L S

JOHNBOYDELL^ ^

Bfi^WILLlAl* WOgLt(;By;i^

Vktthe fimmd the Pkofiace of Pa»fylT«ai«p i^Hook

Olt^

Mr. JOHN HALL.

CONDITIONS.

M bs 19 by t4 Mcfcfi ia Ifngrii, Md «»%•

Tbc Pike al'dw fwiini vbiOM
h«ir»b«|widdih«iHW«C

TheSaWcribnvlMl iMwtkc fifA
1 ifrfiKWMK w mu w u ne iki

N. B. Tw» raiwb. ih> fiuM Am M Uw

which, hbhapdk «Bte«M.

From the original broadside in The Historical Society of

Pennsylvania

^^IOpT

WILLIAM IIAMll-THX OF -Till': WdODI.ANDS"
AlllS. ANN IPAMII.TON I.YLK ,

: i'I!(i(;rkss of (;k\u's

MRS. BENJAMIN WBST AND CHILD

Pointed by Beniunin WMt

It«produotd fnon « print in the poMewion of

MiM Anne Hollingiworth Wharton

MINIATURE OP BENJAMIN WEST, HIS WIKE

AND CHILD

Fftiuted l^ Benjamin West

Reproduced from the photograph in the poBfteaeion of

Mill Anne Hollingiworth Wharton

a3 jg

./.iJl^ ..>jll.i— ^^/l— ^T^Jl.-^ A^. ^^ rtfufel.TjjlJjij'ti

Will. Potllcr, Focit

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 317

used to think, when I looked at the fxdl length picture of
Washington, after '^Gkibriel Stuart,'* — afterwards
called **The Lansdowne Portrait", — ^as engraved by
Heath, that it was a slip by the engraver, but I have
seen so many engravings since with the name Gabriel
that I can well believe that Gilbert Stuart was quite
sincere when he said, '^Well, they intended to make an
archangel of me, anyhow."

Here is Benjamin West as portrayed by Sir Thomas
Lawrence, who was his successor in the office of the
President of The Eoyal Academy. West is shown as
lecturing on the properties of color. That accounts
for the rainbow introduced into the upper portion of
the picture. And on the curtain is depicted **The
Death of Ananias," one of West's most celebrated
pictures.

Here is Benjamin West's portrait of himself. The
countenance, I think, is more pleasing than that
depicted by Sir Thomas. This was in 1793. He has
introduced a bust of some classical character as an
accessory to the picture, according to the fashion of the
times, but I cannot but think that accessories detract
from portraiture by distracting attention.

Here is a letter, the original of which is among one
of the collections in the other hall. It was written to
Copley, the artist, who was one year older than West,
being bom in 1727. Copley, as you know, went from
Boston to England. His son went with him, and in
course of time became Lord Chancellor Loughborough,
one of the greatest lawyers England ever knew; very
few even in England know that the great rival of Lord
Brougham was a Boston boy. I show the letter as a
specimen of West's handwriting.

Here are the Proposals, printed as a Broadside in
1773, by John Boydell, publisher of an illustrated
edition of Shakespeare, for engraving two pictures by

Vol. XLV.— 22

318 The Life and Works of Benjamin West.

West, **The Death of General Wolfe'* and ^'Penn's
Treaty With the Indians."

I now show you HalPs engraving of the ** Treaty
With the Indians," the original painting is in the
Reception Chamber of the State House. West has
been severely criticized for not observing historical
accuracies of dress. William Penn is shown in the
garb of a strict Quaker, of portly figure, and a man of
middle age. In point of fact, Penn at that time was
but thirty-two years of age, with an athletic, energetic
body, and could spring, dance and run with the Indians,
as he frequently did ; and who at the time of the Treaty
was in court dress, with a sash.

He has also introduced, in the figure of the old man
— the third one in the group to the right — his father;
and has again introduced his half-brother into the pic-
ture. Of the Treaty, Voltaire declared it was the only
treaty that had never been sworn to and never broken.
I think, that regard for a full statement of the causes
conducing to the peace of Pennsylvania in this South-
eastern comer would impel a modem historian to add
that besides Penn's Treaty it was a fact that before an
Indian tomahawk could reach a Quaker scalp it would
have to fly through fifty miles of Scotch-Irish Presby-
terians.

Here are illustrations of the charming miniatures
which West could paint. The first is of his wife and
child. The second of his wife, child, and himself, is
quite as charming as anything by Sir Thomas Law-
rence. For these I am indebted to Miss Anne Hollings-
worth Wharton.

This is an ambitious portrait of Arthur Middleton, a
Signer of the Declaration of Independence, of South
Carolina, with his wife and child, painted by West.
The original is in the possession of Dr. Henry Middle-
ton Fisher, of this city.

I now show you the picture, in black and white, of

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 319

'* Christ Healing the Sick.'* West wrote to Samuel
Coates, of Philadelphia, in the year 1801, that he would
paint a picture for the Pennsylvania Hospital. When
it was exhibited in London it was so highly thought of
that the British Institution bought the original for three
thousand guineas, the highest price ever paid for a
painting up to that time ; West agreed to selF it only on
condition that he could paint a replica. The replica
was senf to Philadelphia. Here it is in colors. That
picture was exhibited before presentation to the hos-
pital, and brought contributions to the hospital suf-
►ficient to establish thirty beds in the Pennsylvania
Hospital. I can remember a little building, but two
stories in height, standing on the south side of Spruce
Street, halfway between Eighth and Ninth, on the
grounds of the hospital, in which this picture was said
to have been exhibited. That building was one of the
early homes of this Historical Society, before we came
to the Patterson mansion at Thirteenth and Locust
Streets, now converted into our present hall. Thus are
we pleasingly associated with memories of West. The
picture itself hangs to-day in the entrance hall to the
middle building of the group which together form the
Pennsylvania Hospital. Beneath the picture is a plaster
cast of the hand of Benjamin West, and one of the
original brushes that he used, displayed under glass.
I thank you for the attention you have given me.

320 The Washington Pedigree.

THE WASHINGTON PEDIGREE; COBEIGENDA AND

ADDENDA.

BY CHARLES H. BROWNING.

THE MOTHER OF MR. LAWRENCE WASHINGTON, A GRAND-
FATHER OF GENERAL WASHINGTON.

There has never been a controversy as to who was
the mother of Mr. Lawrence Washington, the eldest son
of Colonel John Washingtpn, of Washington parish,
Westmoreland County, Virginia, and the grandfather
of General Gteorge Washington. In fact, there has
never been any doubt as to her name, and whose daugh-
ter she was. Ask any of the many * * Colonial Dames ' '
and ** Colonial Warsmen,'* lineal descendants of Mr.
Lawrence Washington, who she was, and these con-
cerned will readily reply: **Ann Pope.'' To them
there is no question about it, because they had used her
father. Colonel Nathaniel Pope, of Virginia, as a
'* claim,'* either original or supplementary, with the
consent of their Society's Genealogist.

But the fact is, the ladies and gentlemen of Wash-
ington blood are not descended from Colonel Pope, be-
cause his daughter Ann, tho a . wife of Colonel John
Washington, was not the mother of Colonel Wash-
ington's son and heir Lawrence, their ancestor, and
I hope that herein I shall convince them, and the
pedigree examiners, that they have erred in this item
of the Washington genealogy, by telling how I know it.
But I have to admit that the alleged *' examiners" all
over the Union, are, in a way, not to be blamed alto-
gether for the mistake, because they naturally relied

The Washington Pedigree. 321

upon the many printed Washington pedigrees and
could have believed the writers of them had personally
substantiated all their statements before publishing.

As will appear hereafter, young Captain John Wash-
ington, who had been living in Virginia, first in
Northumberland Co., and next in Westmoreland Co.,
for several years, returned from a short visit to Eng-
land, before April, 1655.

It may have been before going on this voyage, or im-
mediately upon his return from his visit to Tring, a
market town, in Hertfordshire, that he married his first
wife, a young widow, with one child, and also a resident
of Westmoreland, when he was about 24-26 years of
age. The exact date and place of this wedding are still
conjectural, but the lady's maiden name is certainl;^
unblown at this writing, so far as I am aware. How-
ever, this latter item would only be nice to know, for it
does not affect my story. The lady whom Captain (and
he may have been a Major, as will be explained) John
Washington married as his first wife (but not in the
sense that he was going to accumulate wives), was Mrs.
Ann Brett. She was the widow of Mr. Henry Brett,
sometime a merchant of Plymouth, Devonshire, but at
the time of his decease a land owner and resident of
Westmoreland Co., Va., who died intestate, and Wash-
ington administered his estate, after he married Mrs.
Brett, as appears from the following Court items.

Westmoreland Court Order Book, under date of 28
Sep., 1670, is a Statement of Account of Henry Brett's
Estate, ** exhibited by Lt. Col. John Washington, who
married Ann, the relict of Mr. Henry Brett, late of ye
county dec'd.^' A commission reported **We have ex-
amined ye whole Inventory & Debts of ye said Henry
Brett, and Wee Doe find that Mrs. Ann Brett Washing-
ton hath paid beyond the Assatts,'' &c.

And ibid, under 31 May, 1671, find that Mrs. Ann
(Brett) Washington's son, Samuel Brett, a merchant at

322 The Washington. Pedigree.

Plymouth, gave power of attorney **to execute a dis-
charge to Lt. Col. Washington, who intermarried with
Mrs. Ann Brett, ye relict and Admin 'trix of Henry
Brett, of Plymouth, merchant, dec'd/'

These items, while they confirm the marriage of John
Washington and the Widow Brett, his first wife,
do not tell us when Mr. Brett died, nor when Mrs.
Washington died, but this happened certainly before
Feb. 1658-59, as will appear. In their short married
life, they had three children, namely Lawrence, John
and Ann, as also will be shown.

It was probably after this 1671 item, when Samuel
Brett* testified that Washington had administered the
estate of Brett Sr. so satisfactorily that he ran in debt
to Washington thru some trading account, and Law-
rence Washington, as his father 's executor, had to sue
his half-brother for balance of the account, £21.4.5 ster.
This suit was brought against SamuePs Virginia at-
torney, as Brett was then a merchant at Bristol, 14
June, 1682, before a Westmoreland County Court, of
which Lawrence was one of the Justices. Sometime
later, SamuePs lawyer, as defence, brought a counter
claim against the estate of John Washington for £100
ster., to pay for damages to a sloop, belonging to
Samuel, which Washington had used to take his cattle,
horses, &c., over to Maryland, in April, 1676, * ' as may
more largely appear" below. The jury decided in
favor of Lawrence.

A very short time after his first wife died, leaving
him with three young children, John Washington mar-
ried his second wife, who was Mrs. Ann Brodhurst,
the widow and relict, and apparently the second wife,
of Walter Brodhurst, who removed from Maryland to
Northumberland Co., where he was the sheriJBf in 1652,

* There was a Samuel Brett, who married in 1647, in St. Andrew par-
ish, Plymouth, who may have been brother to Henry, who named his son
for him.

The Washington Pedigree. 323

and a burgess next year, and then was seated in West-
moreland, when it was formed from Northumberland,
and the daughter of Lieut. Colonel Nathaniel Pope, of
Westmoreland Co., a near neighbor to Washington.

In this way it appears as if Ann Pope, a young
woman, was the second wife of Walter Brodhurst, and
that his first was one of the daughters of Lt. Col.
Thomas Gerrard. Brodhurst and Gerrard had been
neighbors in Maryland and removed together to
Northumberland Co., 1650. Gerrard in his will, dated
1 Feb. 1672-3, says he married twice, and had issue
by each wife. He had five daughters (and several
sons, one John, of whom hereafter), but named only
two, and a lot of grandchildren through them, but
named only two, Gerrard Tucker and Gerrard Peyton,
a son of daughter Frances, who was the wife of several
prominent Virginians, and then became the third wife
of Lt. Col. Washington. Possibly Brodhurst 's son,
Gerrard, was also one of his unnamed grandchildren,
and well enough off not to need a special legacy.

Brodhurst's will, dated 26 Jan., 1658-9, proved by
the witnesses at his house, and presented in Court, 12
Feb. following by his widow, Ann, bom Pope, as its
' executrix. According to the will, she was so to act, ex-
cepting as to his land he desired *'my son Gerrard'^
to have. His arrangement for his widow was not gen-
erous. As long as she remained his widow and unmar-
ried, she was to have the use of his land, cattle, horses,
&c., but for this she should pay rental to his will over-
seers. Col. Gerrard, possibly his first father-in-law,
and Col. Pope, his second father-in-law, who should use
the money for the up-keep and education of his chil-
dren. From this, it looks as if Gerrard was to look
after the welfare of his namesake, if not his grandson,
Garrard Brodhurst, and Pope to do the same for his
daughter's son, Walter. That young Gerrard Brod-
hurst may have had some trouble in getting some of his

324 The Washington Pedigree.

inheritance from his father's estate, appears through a
quit-claim deed, dated 20 Sep. 1668, from **Mrs, Ann
Brodhurst" (whom we have reasons to imagine was
then '*Mrs. John Washington")? by which she assigned
500 acres of land, which, after 1675, lay in Stafford
Co., to her stepson, Gerrard Brodhurst.

The exact date of the marriage of John Washington
and Mrs. Brodhurst is unknown, and so is that of the
death of Mr. Bl*odhurst. Both dates remain hypo-
thetic. Mr. Brodhurst 's will, which was dated 26 Jan.
1658-9, was not filed till in Nov., 1659, and the inven-
tory of his personal estate on 17 April, 1661, therefore,
we got no information from these sources, or only that
Washington seems to have lost no time in getting a
second wife to mind the infants of his previous one,
and look out for his comfort. However, tiiere is a sug-
gestive, tho not convincing, item extant which shows
Major Washington must have married Mrs. Brodhurst
around Feb., 1658-9, which I shall bring up.

There are two good items extant that approximate
the time of their wedding. One, dated 12 Feb., 1658-9,
a recorded paper in which Ann^s father, Lt. Col. Pope,
styled her **my daughter Ann Pope Brodhurst.''

The other item, dated 11 May, 1659, also signed with
his *'mark'' by Lt. Col. Pope, is a power of attorney
concerning some land, addressed to his daughter Ann,
in which he calls her **My daughter Ann Pope alias
Washington. ' '

Therefore it may be seen that John Washington and
his second Ann, another widow with a son, married
early in the year 1659, and before May, certainly, if the
** young son'' baptised on 4 Oct. was her first child
and not the last one of the first wife of Col. John.

In the Spring of 1659, John Washington went on
one of his trading voyages abroad, and returned to
Virginia in Sep. On the 29 Sep., 1659, the Governor
of Maryland wrote him a letter, which he received by

I iinti—iiaiP*»'^M

The Washington Pedigree. 325

messenger in Westmoreland Co., at his home, in which
the Governor requested him to attend a Maryland
Court on the following 4 Oct., to testify in a criminal
case, instituted by Col. Washington, concerning the
brutal hanging by the sailors of a woman passenger,
believed by them to be a witch, and that she had hoo-
dooed their ship, in which Washington was coming
over to Virginia, and caused it several times to get on
the wrong course. ( See Neill 's * * Virginia-Carolorum, ' '
pp. 257-€).

In reply to this request, Col. Washington wrote to
the Governor, by his messenger, a note dated 30 Sep.,
1659, saying {ibid)y that it was impossible for him to
attend that Court on 4 Oct. following, ** because then,
[4 Oct. 1659], God willing, I intend to gett my young
son baptised. All ye company and Gossips being al-
ready invited. '^ [The full text of this letter may be
read in vol. XVI, p. 264, this mag.].

Thus, we have virtually the record of the date of the
baptism of John, Jr., the youngest son of Col. John
Washington, for we may presume he was baptised on
4 Oct., 1659. This being a child of Col. John's first
wife, deceased, and bom in 1658, before Feb., 1658-9,
there may be many causes imagined why he was not
baptised before this, or during his mother's lifetime.
There are at least two probable reasons worth suggest-
ing. The child's mother may have died giving birth
to it, and its father had not yet arrived home from his
voyage. John, Jr., was 17 years of age when his
father made his will, in which he desired that Thomas
Pope, the lad's step-uncle, should **have the care of his
bringing up" and educating.

When Col. Washington made his will, dated either
11, or 21 (writing indistinct), Sept., 1675, he named as
executors his then wife (Anne [Pope] Brodhurat),
his brother Lawrence, who predeceased him, and ' * my
son Lawrence." The date of his death has not been

326 The Washington Pedigree.

found. The will was proved, and filed in West-
moreland County Court 10 Jan., 1677-8, by his son
and heir, Lawrence (Ann Pope, his wife, not acting for
reason hereafter explained), he being the heir, and then
of age and naturally had livery of his inheritance, and
succeeded his father.

This is another of the reasons why Lawrence could
not have been the child of Ann Pope (**her second
son'^ it has been printed), because she and Col. John
were married early, probably, in Feb., 1658-9, and
Lawrence would have been only 18 or 19 years old
in 1677-8, and not of age. iWhereas he was bom early
in 165 — , (1655-6), hence was the son of Col. John^s
first wife, Mrs. Ann Brett.

But the proof that Lawrence, John, and Ann, were
the children of Col. John by his first wife is more con-
vincing through the following extracts from the wills
of Col. John Washington and his sons, Lawrence and
John. See Mr. Ford's ** Washington Wills,*' which
may be assumed are reliable copies of the originals
(tho his footnotes to them are not always that), or,
better, Dr. Toner's copies printed in Waters' ** Glean-
ings in English Wills," pp. 524, &c., and W. and M.
Quart., Xllly p. 145, will of John Jr.

Col. Washington wrote into his will, on 11 (or 21) of
Sept., 1675 : * ' My body to be buried in ye plantation
where I now live, by the side of My Wife yt is already
buried. ' '

As his second wife (frequently mentioned in this will,
and named as one of its executors), Mrs. Ann Brod-
hurst (**Ann Pope that was") was living, and pre-
sumably with him, when he wrote this desire. Col. John
could have only referred to his first wife, tiie Widow
Brett, as being the wife, **yt is already buried," before
May, 1659. However, his wife. Widow Brodhurst, sur-
vived Col. John and died in England, as below.

Lawrence Washington, Col. John's eldest son and

> * aw

■■

The Washington Pedigree. 327

heir, in his will, dated 11 March, 1697-8, desired to be
buried ''by the side of my father and mother."

Therefore, Col. John Washington was buried as he
wished to be, beside his first wife, ''already buried"
there, in the Washington graveyard, on the homestead
plantation, Westmoreland Co., and his son Lawrence
was buried next to them, and near several half-brothers
and half-sisters.

John Washington, Jr., Col. John's second son, and
last child by his first wife, in his will, dated Washington
parish, 22 January, 1697-8 (proved 23 Feb. following),
desired that his body be "buried by my father and
mother and brothers. ' '

These I presume were step-brothers (brother Law-
rence being alive), because Mrs. Brett- Washington
could not have had more than three children in her
short married life with Col. John, unless there were
' ' twins, or better. ' '

Here, we have the proof in two wills that Lawrence
and John Jr. were sons of Col. John's first wife, and
you will see by the Colonel's will that his daughter,
Ann, was also her child, and that their own mother,
the wife of Col. John, was buried in the plantation
graveyard, before Sep., 1675.

Since, as related below, Washington's second wife
(Ann Pope), died in Salop, England, while among her
first husband's relatives, and was buried there by them,
and there is not the slightest hint of contemporary
record, nor likelihood probably, that her body was dis-
interred and brought to Virginia, by Lawrence's or
John Jr. 's order, Lawrence and John were buried by the
side of Mrs. Ann Brett- Washington, and were not the
sons of (Mrs. Ann Pope) Brodhurst-Washington, and
were only step-sons.

Taking up Col. John Washington's wUl again, read
what he says of his children: — "My wife (i. e. his then
wife, Ann Pope, who survived him) to have the ' ' bring-

328 The Washington Pedigree.

ing up of my daughter, Ann Washington, until my son,
Lawrence comes of age. ' '

This item shows the ColonePs particular considera-
tion for his own, and not his and his then wife 's, Ann
Pope, children. Lawrence at that writing was about 19
years old, and may be presumed to have been so manly
and educated that he required no further ** bringing up*'
by anyone, nor was a guardian suggested for him during
his minority, in the event that his father might be killed
in the Bacon war, or rebellion, . or in the coming con-
flict with the Indians, both threatened at this time, and
the Colonel realized he would soon be in active nulitary
duty as a commander, hence he made his will.

[It is a rather remarkable coincidence about the two
brothers, John and Lawrence Washington, the immi-
grants, and worthy of note here, that John^s will was
dated 21 Sept., 1675, and filed in Court on 10 Jan.,
1677-8, and that of Lawrence being dated 27 Sep., 1675,
was filed in the same Court on 6 Jan., 1677-8.]

Even then, his father realized that young Lawrence
would be competent to look after his own young sister,
and it would be more natural that he should do so, rather
than to be continued at the conunand of her step-mother,
especially at so important period of her young life
when there would be wooers acoming. Therefore, it may
be assumed, that when his father died, Lawrence, as the
head of the House, not only took charge of his sister,
without their step-mother having to resign her, he being
then of age, whidi was the condition in the wiU. Should
he not have been of full age, the Court would have been
obliged to appoint someone to administer the Colonel 's
estate until he was, and the Court Order Book shows
no such order, hence, again, he could not have been Ann
Pope's child.

I think nothing more is needed to identify young Ann
as, like Lawrence and John, Jr., a child of Col. John by
his first wife. Widow Brett, than the following item

i^^mmm'm^^^mi^^mBm^^immK^i^^^m^m^^mmt^^Kivmam^r^^mj^mwm^'^^r^^^^-i.^ ^

The Washington Pedigree. 329

from her father's will. After having given **to my
daughter Ann'' two tracts of land, containing 1200 and
1400 acres each, he says : — **I give to my say'd Daugh-
ter, wch was her mother's desire, and my promise, ye
Cash in ye new parlour, & the Diamond ringe, & her
Mother's rings, & the white quilt & the white curtains
ftvallians."

There is still another important item to record here,
suggesting about when Lawrence was bom, and showing
he must have been the. child of his father 's first wife,
and could not have been the son of Ann Pope, the sec-
ond wife, whom CoL John did not marry till after Jan.,
1658-9, and before 11 May, 1659.

In 1679, Mr. Lawrence Washington was appointed
one of H. M. Justices of the C. P. Court, the Westmore-
land County Court, (ex V. H. M., I., 250), and was
still a member in 1682-3 (ex W. & M. Q., IV., 87), and
in 1685, when he is styled Captain, (W. & M. Quart.,
Vol. XV, p. 186), and probably was a captain when
young. If Lawrence had been any child, or the first,
of Col. Washington by his second wife, Ann Pope, mar-
ried possibly in Feb., 1658-9, he would have been too
young, not even of age, to be a Justice. But as the son
of CoL Washington by his first wife, Mrs. Ann Brett,
he was 23 or 25 or more years of age, and quite eligible
to sit on the Bench, in 1679-80.

WAS COL. JOHN WASHINGTON A BIGAMIST?

Such a query as this is not intended to be a malicious
dissemination, as it is intended only as the title of a case
stated, the hypothesis being : — ^When a man and woman
Uve together, and he has acknowledged her as his wife,
and, at a certain date, there is evidence that they were
then living together in harmony, but in less than eight
months afterwards he openly marries another woman,

330 The Washington Pedigree.

and the former presumed wife goes abroad, and cen-
turies afterwards there is not found any record of the
decree of divorce, legally separating the man from the
departed woman, who had been living with him as his
wife for about seventeen years, what is the inference?

In our present-day life, we may, under these circum-
stances, assume the discarded woman was only a *^ com-
mon-law wife,'' a concubine, and that theirs had not
been a legal union, and consequently their issue was
illegitimate.

But as to this suppositious statement, and also the
query, we are advised, as a counter to it, that we should
not judge actions of centuries ago by our present-day
methods. Therefore, we should allow there was a
separation legally confirmed, a divorce, legally granted
and duly recorded somewhere, which evidence has not
been discovered up to this time.

As already stated, Major John Washington, of Wash-
ington parish, Westmoreland Co., of the church of
which he was elected a vestryman in July, 1661, mar-
ried, when 30 years of age, his second wife, the widow,
Ann (Pope) Brodhurst, possibly in Feb., 1658-9, or
even later, before May, 1659.

This union, as you shall see, took place before the
11th of May, 1659, when it was acknowledged by Ann's
father, but the wedding day is not of record. Ann's
former husband signed his will on 26 Jan., 1658-9, and
it was presented in Court for probate 12 Feb., 1658-9,
but some testamentary proceedings here and in Eng-
land, in the P. C. C, where it also had to be filed, delayed
its filing here till the Nov. term of the Court, 1659. Also
on the same date, 12 Feb., 1658-9, Ann's father, Col.
Pope, executed a deed to her for land, in whidi he called
her **my daughter Ann Pope Brodhurst," hence, it
may be presumed she did not marry John Washington
till after this date.

But it looks as if Ann shed her weeds for a veil a very

l^V

The Washington Pedigree. 331

short time after 26 Jan., 1658-9, or after she had buried
Brodhurst, as her father, Lt. Col. Nathaniel Pope, also
a planter in Westmoreland Co., in a power of attorney
to her about some land, dated 11 May, 1659, as above,
styled her **My daughter Ann Pope, alias Washing-
ton.'* In his will (which he ** marked," for possibly
Col. Pope could not write, as all of his extant papers
bear only **His Mark"), dated a few days later, or on
16 May, 1659, written just before going to England
(proved in Virginia 20 April, 1660), he gave, or rather
forgave, *Ho my son-in-law, John Washington," a
debt of eighty pounds money, which John, he said,
owed him.

And there is a recorded grant of 700 acres of land in
Westmoreland, to Mrs. Ann Pope (dias Washington,
dated 13 June, 1661. [With no intention to suggest
anything like it in this case, it may be remarked here
that in England, Ireland, and the B. W. I., when there
are papers of court record in which the woman living
with a man as his wife, ''but not parsoned" or married
to him, she is described this way in old records, * ' Mary
Smith alias Jones, ' ' her name and the surname of the
man, to identify her.]

After this union, the next great event in the lives of
John and Ann was, so far as I know, the christening of
John^s last child by his first wife (Widow Brett), on
4 Oct., 1659, referred to before, the date of whose birth
is unknown.

On the 20th of this month and year, as ''Mrs. Ann
Brodhurst (she being Major Washington's wife on
11 May, we have seen), she was present in the West-
moreland Court, and as "the relict (but not the widow,
because she had married again since his decease), and
adm'trix of Mr. Walter Brodhurst, dec'd," sued a Capt.
Lefebur for " accommodation j " which was "for four
months ' house roome and dyett of his family. ' ' Judge-
ment in favor of "Mrs. Ann Brodhurst," which was

332 The Washington Pedigree.

only the half measure of her then identity, but may have
then been the legal way.

From now on till he died 17 years later, John Wash-
ington, being a man of affairs, was constantly employed
in duties as a county justice, a coroner (in August,
1661, when coroner, he and his jury reported to the
County Court on their burial of a suicide, saying they
had obeyed the Law, and had buried him at a certain
spot, * * with a stake driven through ye middle of him in
his grave"), a burgess and a member of the General
Assembly, and commander of the county militia, having
been commissioned Lt. Col. 29 Mar., 1673; on 17
Mar., 1674-5, he had been on a commission to em-
ploy Indians, and reward them for work, but on
31 August, 1675, this scheme to pacify the savages
having failed, he was ordered to organize an expedition
against the Indians, and set out to drive them out of
the sea-board, and his activity was one of the causes
for Bacon's Rebellion, which Col. Washington was
active in helping to put down, and it was suppressed
early in the Spring of 1677.

You have seen that Col. Washington dated his will on
21 Sep., 1675, and named his then wife as a co-executor.
In a general way it could be said '*he provided for his
wife handsomely, ' ' should she survive him. She did
survive him, as will be shown. His was but a per-
functory will, so far as she was concerned; a rather
cold one. Beside the * * widow's third, ' ' her dower right
in his real estate, which the law guaranteed a wife, and
a one-fourth share in his personal estate, he made no
mention where, nor how, she should Uve, which a tes-
tator of his time always did for his wife, nor did he
mention her in any endearing term as was also the
custom. His brother Lawrence, who made his will
almost at the same time, was more generous and con-
siderate for his second wife.

By his second wife. Col. Washington seems to have

The Washington Pedigree. 333

had several children, possibly four, according to wills.
Two evidently died before he wrote his will, as he says
two were buried in the Washington graveyard. And
his son Lawrence says he has ** brothers and sisters '*
buried in the same ground, and John, Jr., his brother,
also says ** brothers'^ buried there. Apparently they
died young and unmarried.

Col. Washington we have seen married as first and
second wives, two widows, each a **Mrs. Ann B.,'' and
each had a son« Now, you will find that he married,
thirdly, while his second wife was living, another widow,
and that he was her fourth husband. She, too, sur-
vived Col. John, and was his joint-widow and co-relict
with his alleged second wife, Ann Pope.

The evidence that Col. Washington did have a third
wife, while Ann Pope was aUve, may be found in the
Westmoreland Co. Court Order Book of the date. This
is the customary ** Marriage Contract, '' dated 10 May,
1676, * ' of Lt. Col. John Washington and Mrs. Frances
Appleton, the widow and relict of Captain John Apple-
ton. ^ ' All of this county.

Ab the proof that this contract was carried out, there
is the following item, also from this Order Book, under
date, 26 November, 1677.

■

**It is ord'r yt Jno Garrard have out of ye Estate of
Cap't Jno Appleton, deceased, now ye estate of Coll.
Jno. Washington, who intermarried with ye Relict of
ye sd Appleton, tenn goode breeding cows,^' &c.

The petitioner and beneficiary under this Court Or-
der was the eldest brother of the lady whom Col. Wash-
ington had married the year before, and he surely knew
they had married. He had served under Lt. Col. Wash-
ington, in the expedition against the Indians, in the
Autumn of 1675. He was present at the Court of In-
quiry as to the particulars of it, and on 14 June, 1677,
testified as to the conduct of his commander, Washing-
ton, present in Court, and exonerated him and the Yir-

VOL. XLV.— 23

334 The Washington Pedigree.

ginia troops he commanded^ from the charge of partici-
pating in the execution of Indians when attending a
conference with the commanders of the troops.

Col. Washington apparently raised no objection to
this order of the Court. Nor did he alter his will, after
he married, between its date and filing, Mrs. Frances
(Garrard) Speke-Peyton-Appleton, and became her
fourth husband.

Col. Washington and Widow Appleton were old
friends and neighbors, and he had Imown all of her
husbands intimately, having long served in the same
regiment with them. He became her attorney after
the death of Captain Appleton, who, was high sheriff of
Westmoreland, 1673-4, and was a subscribing witness
to Washington's will, but died before 9 May, 1676, when
the inventory of his personal estate was filed by his
widow. As the latter 's attorney, he is of record of
having been in Court several times on her behalf.

It is evident that the Widow Appleton was clear and
free to marry, in May, 1676. But how about Col. Wash-
ington! His second wife. Widow Brodhurst, certainly
has to be reckoned with. She must be allowed an exit,
for I do not wish to asperse his character, nor hers.
He was a gentleman, that must be remembered, and
Mrs. Appleton there is no reason to suppose was not
his equal. Both seemed rather fond of marrying, and
we must admit that the Colonel was no ^4aggard in
love, ' ' but he must have been sensible along with this
habit, and would scorn to take the risk of a' bigamist.
Still the query : — ^How can a man with a wife (his own,
of course), marry another woman? The Colonel cer-
tainly had a wife of his own, in Sept., 1675, who out-
lived him, but in the following May, he married another
lady, and polygamy had ceased for ages to be fashion-
able, and was not revived till a couple of centuries later,
therefore, how did he get rid of herf

That Mrs. Ann (Pope) Washington, formerly Mrs.

The Washington Pedigree. 335

Walter Brodhurst, was alive after Sept., 1675, and sur-
vived Col. John Washington, who died before 10 Jan.,
1677-8, and after 14 June, 1677, may be seen thru the
following items :

Whether it was before, or after. May, 1676, or before,
or after. Col. Washington died, and it matters little here
when it was, Mrs. Ann (Pope) Brodhurst- Washington
went to England to visit her son, Walter Brodhurst,
Jr., and her Brodhurst kin residing at Lilleshall, in
Salop. And, as it is learned from an English Court
record, she hoped to collect a legacy, due her over
twenty years from the estate of her Brodhurst father-
in-law.

Before sailing, or after reaching England, it matters
little which, she executed a power of attorney, dated
18 March, 1677-8, and signed it ''Ann Washington,"
and in which she is described **the widow and relict of
Captain John Washington," and qualified Mr. Caleb
Butler, a Westmoreland Co. Justice, to collect and re-
mit to her certain debts due her in Maryland and
Virginia. This document was filed in this County
Court, on 30 March, 1678. As there are only twelve
days between the date of writing and of filing this
** Power," and considering the time it required then
for a ship to cross from England to Virginia, the paper
was signed in Virginia, hence, Ann Pope Brodhurst-
Washington went to England after, or on the 17
March, 1677-8, which was, of course, after Col.
Washington was buried by the side of his first
wife, the mother of Lawrence, John, Jr., and Ann.

Ann Pope's description of herself in this paper was
rather impertinent; however, we are thankful for the
preserving of it, because it tells us that Col. Washing-
ton's second wife was alive when he married his third
wife, and that Ann Pope survived him.

And, since there is no item yet found showing that
Ann had been in England between Sept., 1675, and

336 The Washington Pedigree.

Marchy IGTS, this paper also shows that she was di-
vorced from John by a Virginia County Court, or by
the General Court. Which of them instituted the suit
would be interesting to know, but no one has come
across such an item. The action would have been in
their home-county, and the Westmoreland Court Order
Books, or daily minutes of the proceedings of the courts
in session, are perfect and complete, as are also those
of the General Courts of these days, as Bacon's Re-
bellion had ended. Therefore, whereas the evidence
that John and Ann were divorced!

There is evidence that Washington was a busy man,
sometimes in the Assembly, and again in the field with
his troops, even up to his third wedding-day, but we
know that a great many things can and do happen in
eight months, so it may have been in this time, between
when Col. John signed his will and then went on his
expedition against the Indians^ and the filing of the
marriage contract, that it was Ann who got busy with
the divorce court, and the Colonel made no defense.
However, whilst this could have happened, there is no
proof that it did. It does not seem possible that the
divorce was granted, or even arranged before John
wrote his will, because of its contexture. Howsoever,
whatsoever, it happened, and Col. Washington was free
to marry, and did so about May, 1676, and, as you may
have noticed, in no clandestine manner either, because
his intention to marry the Widow Appleton was spread
upon the Court minutes that anyone might read. And
there was his marriage license, too.

No one thinks that Ann Pope, who had been living
seventeen years with John Washington, minding her
step-diildren and her own, and possibly being homely
in disposition, would not have protested, to put it mild-
ly, in this month of May, 1676, if she did not know that
Col. John was free to do as it pleased him when it came
to marrying even a thrice relict and widow.

The Washington Pedigree. 337

Judging from the arrangement Ann Pope made in
Mardi, 1678, abont her personal affairs in the colonies,
it looks as if she did not intend returning to America.
And there was no particular reason why she should
delay her departure, or return. Her use as an ex-
ecutor of Washington's will had automatically ceased,
when Lawrence entered upon his inheritance, and
with him, only a step-son, as the head of the House of
Washington in Virginia, as his father's heir. And,
too, she had been relieved by him of the ^ *care of bring-
ing up' ' of his sister Ann, and the bringing up of John,
Jr., had been entrusted to her brother, Thomas Pope.
But more than anything, she may have realized that she
was not a persona grata amid the Washingtons and
neighbors. Therefore, she went to England.

She died shortly after she reached her destination.
The exact date of this event I do not know. Nor do I
know when she landed, but of course, it was after 18
March 1677-8. \

She was buried, probably at Lilleshall parish church,
certainly before 12 April, 1678, because on this date,
her son, Walter Brodhurst, Jr., of Lilleshall, Shrop-
shire, was appointed by the Litchfield Diocesan Court,
which had jurisdiction over wills, estates, orphans, &c.,
in the Archdeaconery of Salop, to administer on the
personal estate of ^^ his mother, Misstress Ann Wash-
ington alias Brodhurst, {sic)y of Washington parish,
Westaioreland County, Virginia."

If Ann Pope was divorced from Col. Washington, and
there are reasons to hope she was, it was more likely
to have been after Washington signed his will than
before. The cause of it, of course, I do not know, but,
for a conjecture, it may have been because of the will.
But what we are also interested in is the suggestion all
thru it that John had really married Ann Pope, and he
knew, if she survived him she would be his widow and

338 The Washington Pedigree.

relict before the law, for, wherever he gave land to a
child he excepted Ann's dower right.

When the Bacon uprising got afoot, Col. Washington
hired a sloop and sent his cattle, horses, &c., into Mary-
land to save them from raiders. When the rebel com-
mander learned this he issued a warrant dated 21 Oct.,
1676, ordering one of his officers, one Mannering, to go
to Washington's plantations and prevent their removal,
or **to cease ye sloope yt shall in anytime attempt yt
takeing of goods belonging to sd Washington or any
other delinquent yt are fleed f ayle not hereof. ' ' Subse-
quently, Mannering, was captured and parolled on giv-
ing bond dated 19 June, 1677. Before a commission
investigating the conduct of many of those who had
been rebels, a Mr. Arminger made an affidavit, dated 26
July, 1677, telling of Mannering 's visit in Oct, 1676, to
Col. Washington's house, and said ^' Madam Washing-
ton sd to ye sd Mannering, *if you were advised by your
wife, you need not acome to this passe' " ; that is, being
in disgrace. As this visit occurred in Oct., 1677, it was
Mrs. Frances Washington speaking.

Simply because the usual records of the lawful mar-
riage of Col. John Washington and Ann Pope Brod-
hurst, and the decree of their divorce cannot be found,
it would not be fair to assume, or presume she had not
legally married John (early in 1659), when I have cited
contemporary items suggesting, if not actually proving,
she had. And it would be unfair to both John and Ann
to doubt they were legally separated (between Sep.,
1675, and May., 1676), for John's third marriage was
no secret, as contemporary items cited show. There-
fore, it may be assumed that John Washington was not
a bigamist. The ancient *^ Scotch verdict" is more ap-
propriate to the question of John's marriage (and di-
vorce) with Ann Pope, than to this conclusion.

The Washington Pedigree. 339

in.

THE LEGITIMATION OF COL. JOHN WASHINGTON.

When Mr. Waters discovered the evidence proving
that Col. John Washington, of Virginia, was * * the eldest
son of the Rev. Lawrence Washington, A.M., (Oxon),'*
sometime the rector of the Purleigh parish chnrch,
Essex, England, it was the consensus of genealogists he
had accomplished something worthwhile.

But when Mr. Stanard subsequently discovered the
evidence proving that Col. John Washington was bom
in the year 1629, he started a lot of genealogical trouble
because his find either made a mare's nest of Mr.
Waters' discovery, or that Col. Washington was bom
out of wedlock, thus placing him in the illegitimate
class.

The following are the facts as to both of these state-
ments. My intention is to try to legitimate Col. Wash-
ington, and you will see what is required to do so. Con-
temporary circumstantial evidence, based on incidents,
or presumptive evidence, in this case would not be suf-
ficient, being secondary, to overcome the demonstrative
internal evidence. There must be material evidence
and proof that the Rev. Mr. Washington married
before his eldest son and first child was bom.

The will of a Mr. Andrew Ejiowling was found by Mr.
Waters and printed in his valuable book, ** Gleanings
in English Wills," pp. 364 and 386, of vol. I. it is
dated at Tring, in Hertfordshire, 13 Jan., 1648-9, and
signed with his **mark." He had considerable prop-
erty, and had married the widow of John Boades, the
mother of children by her first husband.

It was through the finding of Mr. Knowling's will,
that Mr. Waters claimed he was enabled to bring to a
positive conclusion, in 1889, the search for the parents
of Col. John Washington, which quest had been going
on intermittingly since in 1791, and then identified Col.

340 The Washington Pedigree.

John's father in the family of Washington of Sulgrave,
therefore, what I say of CoL John's pedigree is on
Waters ' information.

In his will, KnowUng mentioned relatives of his wife,
and her children, his step-children. Among the latter
was **Mrs. Amphillis Washington,'' who had six chil-
dren, also named by Knowling. Bnt while he named
many persons, he did not mention the name of
Amphillis' husband, nor mention him in any way, which
seems rather strange. However, one may imagine a lot
of reasons, and in a case of this kind, one gaess may be
as good as another, and mine is, Ejiowling was a Crom-
wellian, and Mr. Washington was a rabid Boyalist, and
the Civil War was at its worst then, and the king was
executed only seventeen days after Enowling made his
wiU.

The names of the six Washington children as given
by Kjiowling, were so suggestive of the Virginia Wash-
ingtons, that it started Waters on his quest for their
father's name is interestingly told by him.

By the address of Ejiowling's will, he was first
attracted to Tring. Here he found two of these chil-
dren were baptised at the parish church as the children
of **Mr. Lawrence Washington." He decided, as this
father was styled **Mr.," he was a minister. Eventu-
ally, as he found that a **Bev. Lawrence Washington"
had been employed at the Church Court at Wheathamp-
stead, near Tring, at the time Enowling made his will,
and later, he felt sure he had found the husband of
Amphillis, and the father of her children, which idea
was strengthened by the fact that one of them was
designated in the will as ^^ Lawrence Washington the
younger, ' ' as though to distinguish him from his father
of tiie same name, the others being named in it as John,
William, Elizabeth, Margaret and Martha Washington.

From the records of the University of Oxford and one
of its colleges, Brasenose, it was easy to get infor-

The Washington Pedigree. 341

mation as to the early life, some of it anyway, of the
Rev. Lawrence Washington, which is proper to repeat
in this article. He was bom in 1602, at Brington Manor,
Northamptonshire, and entered Brasenose College as
a student, when 17 years of age, bnt did not sign as such
till 2 Nov., 1621. He graduated and received the A.B.
degree 10 May, 1623, and on 27 May, 1623, he was
elected to the Darbie Fellowship in Brasenose, and be-
came a Fellow for ten years of this college, from which
he received the A. M. degree, 1 Feb., 1625-6. In the fol-
lowing year he was appointed his college lector, and on
August 26, 1631, he was elected the proctor of the
University of Oxford.

On 10 March, 1632-3, **his grace for the B.D. degree
was passed on," and on 4 April, 1633, '^he informed
Brasenose College that he was to be inducted in a
benefice.** And, on 30 Nov., 1633, he resigned his Fel-
lowship in Brasenose College, having previously
resigned as the University proctor.

The Eev. Mr. Washington, on 14 March, 1633-4,
entered upon his duties as the rector of the church of
the parish of Purleigh, in the deanery of Maiden, Co.
of Essex. Thus, Mr. Washington was removed to the
most easterly of the tier of adjoining counties, Oxford,
Bucks, Herts and Essex, with which you shall see he
was associated.

What was the influence Mr. Washington had to have
this living, a fairly good one, given to him by Jane
Horsmanden, of Purleigh, is not in evidence. Nor is
the reason, when he entered into it, why he did not take
his wife and family with him to the rectory, than to
place them nearly a two days ^ horseback journey away
from him in the village of Tring, in Herts. May be
she preferred it; her mother and step-father having
resided there, and some relatives were still there. Mr.
Washington, too, must have been acquainted with the
place, and this may have been the residence of

342 The Washington Pedigree.

Amphillis since the birth of her first child. Mr. Wash-
ington's acquaintance with the place may be accounted
for this way. A distant relative by marriage, of his
father. Sir Bobert Anderson, Ejit., resided in a manor
house near Tring, which he bought from Sir Francis
Vemey, in 1607, and Lawrence may have visited him
when a college student, as Sir Bobert, who was buried
at the Tring church, in 1632, in his will, dated 5 Oct.,
1630, remembered him with a legacy: *'to my cousin,
Lawrence Washington, of Bras Nose College, forty
shillings, ' ' which was a generous gift, since it was only
Sir Bobert 's wife who was a cousin of Lawrence's
father, and it suggests he knew Lawrence well.

There is little information about Mr. Washington
after he became the rector of Purleigh till his last year.
There was a case in the Chancery Court, under date
of 20 Oct., 1640, which shows that an Oxford store-
keeper had entered suit, away back in July, 1633,
against **Mr. Lawrence Washington, clerk, of Pur-
leigh, * ^ for £69.18, balance due for furniture and cloth-
ing sold to him ** when a student at Braz Nose College."
Washington's defence was that he had paid the man all
he had owed him in installments, in May, 1633, and
May, 1636. Our particular interest in this case, rather
an interesting one, but too intricate to go into here, is
the title description of the defendant, because it clearly
identifies the Purleigh rector with the student and
Fellow of Brasenose, for there is no record of any other
Lawrence Washington having attended any college of
Oxford University, 1619-1634.

In Nov., 1643, the Bev. Mr. Washington was ejected
from his charge, the parish church of Purleig^. This
happened during the Civil War, and was one of Crom-
welPs measures for silencing **Babid Eoyalists.''
This was the primal objection or charge as to our min-
ister, but it was printed that he was ^ ' a drunkard and
tavern loafer,'' and not fit to have charge of a parish.

The Washington Pedigree. 343

however, the Eev. Washington had plenty of company
under snch charges. What Mr. Washington did after
this to support himself and his alleged (by Mr. Waters)
family, a wife and six children, does not appear.

Along in 1649, it may be imagined that his wife was in
need of some assistance, as on 15 Augast, 1649, the
Committee on aid to ''Plundered Ministers," victims of
Cromwell, ordered the then rector of Purleigh parish,
Washington's old charge, *'to pay one-fifth of the
tithes **to Mrs. Washington, the [former] rector's
wife."

Early in 1648-9, Mr. Washington is found employed
as the surrogate in the o£Sce at Wheathampstead,
Herts, of the Archdeacon's Court. And as surrogate,
29 Jan., 1648-9, he wrote the bond of the guardians of
two orphans, his alleged wife's nieces, daughters of a
tallow chandler, legatees in the 1649 will of Mr. Know-
ling, and signed it with his full name, and also his
Oxford degrees, and then o£Scial position. This was
the only connection ''the Eev. Lawrence Washiagton,
clerk," had with the will of his alleged (Waters) wife's
step-father.

When the commission aided "Mrs. Washington," it
is possible it also did something for the former rector.
A salaried position may have been found for him in or
near Maiden, Essex, as "he died and was buried here
at All Saints' Church," its register entry being: — "Mr.
Lawrence Washington, buried 21 Jan., 1652." It was
too far away for him to be buried at Tring. No par-
ticulars of his death are known.

As evidence that the Eev. Lawrence Washington,
1602-1652, A.M., B.D., (Oxon), of Tring and Purleigh,
was a son, the fourth, of Lawrence Washington, Esq.,
lord of Brixton, or Brington manor, Northamptonshire,
and his wife, Margaret Butler, married at Aston le
Wells, 3 August, 1580, 1 shall use a few of the interest-
ing wills collected by Mr. Waters, for his book. q. v.

344 The Washington Pedigree.

But- first we have the record of Lawrence, Jr/e
matriculation at Brasenose College, 2 Nov., 1621: —
** Laurent Washington, Northamp., gen. fil., an. nat.
19. ' ' Which is, he was 19 years old, and the son of a
gentleman of Northants.

Then next, we find this item connecting him defi-
nitely with the Washingtons of Brington: — ^Robert
Washington, brother to the lord of Brington, (died in
1616), was buried at Brington, 10 March, 1621-2. His
widow, Elizabeth Washington, died 19 March, 1622-^,
leaving a will, dated 17 March, 1622-3, in which she
named many legatees, principally her late husband's
nephew and nieces, called ^^ cousins," the children of
his deceased brother Lawrence, among them Sir
William, Mrs. Mewce, Alice and Frances Washington,
*'my cousin Pill,'* and **To my cousin, Lawrence Wash-
ington, who is nowe at Oxford, my husband's seal
ringe."

The will of the above mentioned Mrs. Elizabeth
Mewce, widow, residing in County Middlesex, near Lon-
don, dated 11 Aug., 1676, of her legatees are her
sisters: — ^Lady Washington, Mrs. Alice Sandys, and
Mrs. Frances Gargrave, and her husband, Mr. Bobert
Gargrave, and their five children ; her uncles, Mr. Bob-
ert Washington, brother of Mr. Washington, of Bring-
ton, and Mr. Francis Pargiter, father-in-law of Sir
John Washington; her nephews, William PiU and
Boger Thornton ; and her nieces, Mrs. Margaret Stev-
enage, and two children; Mrs. Frances Collins, Mrs.
Elizabeth Bumball, and Mrs. Penelope Thornton, and
five children.

The will of Lady Dorothy (Pargiter) Washington,
widow of Sir. John Washington (a son of Mr. Law-
rence Washington, of Brington), dated 6 Oct., 1678,
mentions Mrs. Penelope Thornton aforesaid, as her
daughter, and this assures us that Mrs. Mewce was a
daughter of the lord of Brington manor, Northants.

The Washington Pedigree. 345

No brother or sister of Lawrence Washington in their
extant wills mentions him after he became a clergyman,
or his wife and children. It was a large f amily, some
children died yonng, some unmarried, some adults died
intestate. Those who Jef t wills were well off, and may
not have felt any interest in the straggling minister,
who, himself, seems to have been a rather independent
character, even when a student, of the classics or of
theology, and certainly when ejected.

This brings me up to an interesting time of the Bev.
Lawrence Washington's early life, while a student,
especially as to when, where, or how he made the ac-
quaintance of ^^ Amphillis Boades, or Boads ; the mother
of his children. ' * But as to when and where they were
married, I am sorry I can only say that to be able to
answer this question, the most expert of genealogical
searchers, most persistent men and women, plodders
in old records, for years, have looked, and looked, and
looked in vain, to find even some slight clew, or item,
relative to it. Yet some day, such an item may turn up.
Many have in the years many of these same genealo-
gists have been dead, that have given a new twist to
their statements and deductions, especially in the
''Washington Genealogy.'' ''WATCH YOUB STEP,"
is a well-known sign everywhere. "Watch your genea-
logical ' step', ' ' should be a good one to hang before him
and her on their desks when writing Family History.

In 1620, Sir Edward Vemey (he and Thomas Wash-
ington, a brother of the Bev. Lawrence, served together
in the household of Prince Charles), brother to Sir
Francis mentioned before, purchased the large manor
of Middle Claydon, in Co. Bucks, which was near to the
University of Oxford, in the next county, and died in
1643, leaving a will, dated 26 March, 1639. Among his
sundry legatees he gave ' ' to my servant, John Boades,
at Middle Claydon, an annuity of ten pounds for life."

John Boades was above an ordinary "servant," yet

346 The Washington Pedigree.

he was snch. He was evidently the head-f armer, or the
snperintendeiit of the manor, because he is of record
as being Sir Edward's bailiff, or deputy sheriff, in 1639.
His son, William Boades, was a witness to Sir. Ed-
ward's will, and succeeded his father as chief farmer
of this manor, before 1648, as Andrew Enowling, afore-
said, had married his mother, widow of the said
John Boades, before Jan., 1649, when Knowling made
his will, and made William, his step-son, and brother of
Mrs. Amphillis Washington, his step-daughter, lega-
tees, therefore, William was uncle to Col. John Wash-
ington, and John Boades was one of his grandfathers,
his other being, of course, the prominent Lawrence
Washington, Esq., the lord of the manor of Brixton, or
Brington. William Boades made his will 19 Sep.,
1657, and was buried on the 29th, at Finmoor Hill, about
2 miles from Middle Claydon) , but did not mention his
sister, Amphillis Washington, nor her husband, nor
their issue. In fact, neither did Amphillis' sister, Mrs.
Elizabeth Fitzherbert, in her will, dated 23 Feb., 1684,
(her step-nephew, John Freeman, was her executor,
having married at Luton, 4 April, 1668, Esther, a
daughter of Amphillis' brother, William Beads),
but which is not surprising, because this Washington
family was nearly all dead.

When Lawrence Washington was an Oxford student,
the son and heir of this Sir Edward Vemey was also.
It is quite possible they were well enough acquainted
for young Vemey to take Washington home with him
on holidays, or week-ends (anyway, Lawrence's elder
brother, Thomas, had been a page with Sir Edward
in the household of Prince Charles, while in Spain, in
1623, and Lawrence was not a stranger), and when at
Middle Claydon he met Amphillis Boades, the farmer's
daughter, in some natural way that young people have,
and we may imagine what happened next, as we know
the sequel. [Sir Edward had a younger son, of whom

The Washington Pedigree. 347

it is related in ** Virginia Carolorum/' pp. 108-111,
that he ''married beneath him," and as punishment,
his parents shipped him to the Virginia colony] .

This romantic affair at Middle Claydon certainly
happened before the year 1629, as it was in this year,
or in 1628-9, or in 1629-30, Amphillis gave birth to her
first child, who was named John, whom you have seen
became our Virginia Colonel (who had some romances
of his own), who was about five years old when his
father became rector of Purleigh.

As evidence of the date of Col. John Washington's
birth-date, there is the following Court item. Some
years ago (but years after the ''true Washington pedi-
gree,'* authenticated, signed and printed, in sundry
ways), Mr. Stanard, editor of the Va. Mag. of His.,
discovered and printed this good newsy item: "In a
deposition dated 1674, and recorded in the Westmore-
land County Court Order Book, Col. John Washington
stated he was then forty-five (45) years of age."

This is not exactly all the facts connected with this
important item. The affidavit was a part of the court
proceedings when the will of a Bichard Cole was pre-
sented in Court for probate. Washington's deposition,
beginning : — ' ' Col. John Washington, aged 45 years, or
thereabouts, declared," &c.

This deposition is undated, but it could be no later
than the date of the item that follows it; but as it is
recorded between two items both dated, that is, next
after one dated "5 Jan'y, 1675", (1674-5), and followed
by one dated "12 Feb'y, 1674-5," it may be presumed
that John was then aged 44-45, or 45-46, and bom in
1628-29, or in 1629-30, or, as a compromise, in 1629.

Bichard, or ' 'Dick" Cole, at the proving of whose will
Washington testified, was a queer character (see W. M.
Quart., IV, p. 30). His abusive tongue spared few of
his acquaintances. Of John Washington, it is reported
he said: "He's an ass, negro-driver," whom he would

348 The Washington Pedigree,

have up before the governor and conncily **as a Com-
panie of Caterpillar fellowes,^' who "live upon my bills
of export,*' or foreign exchange.

But not everyone was glad to know what this item
told. For one, Dr. Tyler, the editor of the W. and M.
Quar., who asked the appropriate question : — "As John
Washington was bom in 1629, what becomes of the
Washington Pedigree, saying that John was the son of
the Eev. Lawrence Washington, who was the proctor
of Oxford University, in 1631, presumably unmarried
then.*'

The approximation of the birth-date of Col. Wash-
ington is a more serious discovery than a gratifying
one, for it opens up controversy over an unpleasant
question. But it is only one of the peculiar situations
that turn up in genealogy once in a while to puzzle its
writers, for a genealogist's work is not one of all thrills ;
he is often up against ugly propositions which have to
be handled with consideration.

Dr. Tyler, as above said, only thou^t that John's
1629 birth-date ruined Mr. Waters ' claim to have dis-
covered John's parentage and his long line of paternal
ancestry, this, because the Eev. Lawrence Washington,
1602-1652, could not have been the proctor of the Uni-
versity of Oxford and also have a wife, which was
contrary to University rules, at the time, seeing that
John was bom while his alleged father was the proctor.

In order to have authoritative information upon this
alleged University rule, and an opinion on the specu-
lation which was started by the acquaintance with it,
a vital one to Col. John's pedigree, but more so to the
morality of his parents, I stated the case to one of the
Oxford Uni. officials, who should be familiar with its
laws and customs, ancient as well as modem*

He replied confirming in the main Dr. Tyler's state-
ment, by giving a different version as proof, saying:
*'Mr, Lawrence Washington, on 27 May, 1623, was

The Washington Pedigree. 349

elected to a Darbie Fellowship at Brasenose, and, as a
Fellow, he would necessarily be tuunarried. " **He
resigned Ms Fellowship on 30 Nov., 1633/' **The
Proctorship is a University office ; not a College office.
Lawrence Washington was elected the proctor of the
University on 26 August, 1631, he being at that time a
Fellow of Brasenose College,'* [and ''necessarily" a
bachelor, of course.]

We have from this first-hand information, Lawrence
Washington, being, so far as the college was aware,
an unmarried man in the ten years he was a privileged
student at Brasenose, he being a Fellow, was the father
of a child bom before 30 Nov., 1633, when he resigned
from the Fellowship, and before 23 June, 1635, when his
apparently second child was baptised Lawrence.

Therefore, it may be assumed this Brasnose Fellow
married clandestinely the farmer's daughter, and had
a child by her while she resided at .... I know
not where, while he passed himself off in college as a
bachelor, and pursued his theological studies, and
prepared himself for the ministry, on the principle,
'*Let not thy right hand know what thy left hand
doetL"

Lawrence certainly married out of his social class,
which was no crime, nor even a novelty in his class, yet
it was not a match that would please his aristocratic
family, which was allied to many families holding
prominent positions in the social world. It may have
been because of this mesalliance that Lawrence seems
to have been ''dropped" by his family. But I have
no excuse for the Boades people ignoring him.

Of the six children of Lawrence and Amphillis Wash-
ington (for she was twice styled "Mrs. Washingon"
in 1649, as above) :

1. John Washington, born ^^drca 1629," as above.
He went to Virginia, probably after his father's death,
in 1652, as he was apparently a Captain of Northumber-

VoL. XLV.— 24

350 The Washington Pedigree.

land Co. militia, before he was commissioned Major
in the Westmoreland regiment, 4 April, 1655, and, in
spite of higher ranks attached, was sometimes called
Captain, and even so by his second wife, after his
death, in her docoment of 1678. It used to be thought
that he was the John who was at Bermuda in 1654, as
stated in the will of Theodore Pargiter, but as Pargiter
calls him *' cousin John Washington in Bermuda,'' it
seems more reasonable to place him as Sir John's
second son John, since his mother, mentioned above,
was Theodore's sister.

Another reason why it may be presumed with con-
fidence that John Washington came to Virginia to
reside, possibly earlier than 1652, or when he was 21,
is suggested by the following: Whenever he came, he
settled in the thriving county of Northumberland, a
large county (which included the site of Washington
city), and in that part of it from which the new county
of Westmoreland was formed by an Act of Assembly
in 1652-3, and was represented by two Burgesses in the
Assembly of 1654. By another Act, 1654-5, it was or-
dered that original parishes should be relayed, surveyed
and renamed. The old parish in which Captain Wash-
ington had his residence was renamed in his honor
Washington parish, which surely should be almost
convinciag that John Washington had lived here years,
and was not only a popular citizen, but a man, tho
young, noted as a leader in public affairs.

2. Lawrence Washington, **the younger," as called
in Mr. Knowling's will. He was their first child of
record in the Tring parish register: — ^* * Christened, on
Our Lady's Day, 1635, Layaranc sonn of Layrance
Washington. ' ' He was named as the residuary legatee
of his estate by Mr. Kno^^ling, his mother's step-father,
in his will, 1649, he being Mr. Knowling's god-son. It
has been thought ihat he was sometime a merchant at
Luton, in Bedfordshire, before his removal to Virginia,

The Washington Pedigree. 351

where he certainly was in May, 1659, as he was one of
the subscribing witnesses, with his brother John, to the
will of Col. Pope, at this date.

iThere was a Lawrence Washington, a merchant, at
Luton, with whom Virginians had some dealings, and
he could have been the son of Amphillis, the merchant
being identified otherwise, but there is no positive evi-
dence connecting Amphillis ' son, Lawrence, with Luton
as a merchant such as there is which identifies this son,
and his brother, John, with her. There is evidence that
he returned shortly to England and went to Luton,
where he married at the parish church, 26 Jan., 1660,
his first wife, Mary, daughter of Edmund Jones, of
Luton, and brought her to Virginia, several years later,
(some accounts say in 1667), and after the baptism of
their child, recorded at tiie parish church, Luton,
*'Mary Washington, daughter of Mr. Lawrence and
Mary,^' 22 Dec., 1663. Mary is mentioned in the wills
of her grandfather Jones, 8 March, 1682, and her father,
1675.

Apparently, aside from these items connecting him
with Luton, it is presumed he was influenced to settle
there by the following two original, or further, reasons,
(1), his mother's sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Fitzherbert, of
Much Maltham, Essex, had acquaintance and interests
in Luton, and (2), his cousin, Mrs. Esther Freeman, his
uncle William Boades' daughter, resided at Luton.

Lawrence 's earliest grant of Virginia land of record,
is for 700 acres (in Stafford Co.), dated 27 Sep., 1667;
his brother John was granted 5000 acres, same date and
locality. Lawrence became a planter, died in Virginia,
a few days before his brother John died, leaving a will
and issue by two wives.

3. Elizabeth Washington. She was baptised at the
Tring church, 17 August, 1636, and entered on the
register as '' daughter of Mr. Layarance Washiagton. ' '
[This is the only instance found (unless the "Mr. Law-

352 The Washington Pedigree.

rence Washington/' buried at Maiden, Essex, in 1652,
is proved to have been the husband of Amphillis, whidi
has not been done yet, is another), where Amphillis'
husband is styled **Mr/']. She is named in the will,
1697, of Mrs. Martha Hayward, of Virginia, as **my
eldest sister, Mrs. Elizabetii Bumbold, in England.''

It is not known when or where she married, nor has
the name of her husband been found. It may be she
did not marry in London, as her sister Margaret did,
as she is not in the printed London marriage license
lists. It is quite possible that her husband may have
been a Hertfordshire man, because there were in her
day, and from early times, Bumbold families in Herts.
However, families of Bumbold, Bumbould, Bumboldz,
Bambold, Bombolde, &c., are of record in Elizabeth's
time in many English shires. Nothing further of her is
known.

For a good reason, as will appear below, it is proper
to notice here some of the Bumbold families in Herts.
In 1316, a Nicholas Bumbaud, served on a jury at an
Inq. P. M., and 1437, a James Bumbolde served in this
county on the same kind of a jury. In 1567, a John
Bumbold bought a farm in North Mimms parish from
the Crown, and in 1606, John and Bobert Bumbold
were tenants of Clothall manor, and in 1670, there was
a Bumbold family living in Walkhome parish, and
so on.

A member of a Bumbold family of Herts, long resid-
ing at the purchased manor of Woodhall, was created a
baronet. An early member of his family, William Bum-
bold, was '* controller of the great wardrobe," to
Charles I., and surveyor-general of all the customs of
England. Another Hertfordshire Bumbold worthy
was that Colonel Bichard Bumbold, bom in 1622, who
resided at **Bye House," a farm in Stanstead- Abbot
parish, this county. He was one of the gentlemen who
was captured after much trouble in finding him, tried

mr a m

The Washington Pedigree. 353

and executed, after being found guilty of high treason,
in 1683, for conspiring to murder King Charles n., and
his brother James. His home, where he assembled his
fellow conspirators, gave name to this historic plot.
His son, Thomas Bumbold, Generosus'' (the keeper of
the Eose Tavern, at Cambridge), was buried at Royston
parish church, Herts.

4. Margaret Washington. There is no record of
her baptism at the Tring parish church, but she was
bom in or about 1638-9, as learned from her marriage
license, from which we also learn she was living in the
parish of St. Giles-in-the-Field, Middlesex county, near
London, when she married.

The printed abstract of her marriage license runs : —
Margaret Washington, age 24 years, of St. Giles in the
Field, Middlesex, and George Talbott, of the same,
bachelor, gent., age 26 years. To be married at the
same parish. Nothing further is known of her, ex-
cepting she is mentioned in the will of Mrs. Martha
Hayward, as '*my other sister, Mrs. Margaret Talbut,"
in England, (1697).

5. William Washington. He was baptised at the
Tring church, 14 Oct., 1641. His father's name was not
recorded. This is all that is known of him. He may
have died young and unmarried, tho not again men-
tioned in the church register, beginning in 1584.

A careless blunder is made in Burke's ^'Visitations
of Seats and Arms," in England (1852), in saying
that Sir William Washington, of Packington manor,
was this William, and ** brother to John and Lawrence
Washington, the Virginia immigrants.*' He was the
brother of Sir John, the Eev. Lawrence, Mrs. Mewce,
et al.

6. Martha Washington. Her birth and baptism not
of Tring parish church record. From her statements
in her will, 1697, she was apparently the youngest
daughter and last child of Lawrence and Amphillis.

354 The Washington Pedigree.

Col. John Washington, of Virginia, mentions her par-
ticularly in his mil, 1675, saying: — ^**To my sister,
Martha Washington, ten pounds out of the money I
have in England, and whatever she should be owing to
me for transporting herself into this country, and a
year's accommodation after coming, and 4000 pounds
of tobacco and cask." She came to Virginia and mar-
ried a Mr. Hayward, and died here, leaving a will,
written in Stafford Co., Va., 6 May, 1697, and proved
28 Dec. following. -This will was found by Mr. Ford
among papers at the Federal Dept. of State, and, as
stated below, was of great value to Mr. Waters, in com-
pleting his Washington i)edigree.

After giving legacies to a number of Virginia cousins,
she enjoined her executors ^^with all convenient speed
send to England to my eldest sister, Mrs. Elizabeth
Bumbold, a Tunne of good weight Tobacco." [This
commodity at that time was equivalent to our money,
and was the only ^ 'cash" the colony had in circulation.]
She also instracted that her executors : — ^^'Doe likewise
take freight and for England to my other sister, Mrs.
Margaret Talbut, a Tunne of good weight of Tobacco."

An extant letter of John Washington (a son of Law-
rence, the immigrant), dated Virginia, 22 June, 1699,
to his half-sister, Mrs. Mary Gibson, of Hawnes, Bed-
fordshire (her father had given her all of his estate in
England, by his will), mentions a letter from her to
* ' my aunt Howard, ' ' as the surname Hayward was pro-
nounced in Virginia.

By this, to me, accurate arrangement of the succes*
sion of the recorded issue of Lawrence and Amphillis
Washington, it seems that the hiatus between the birth
dates of their first child, John, **bom in 1629," and
Lawrence, their first child of church record, bom in
1635, appears somewhat irregular (but then **you can
never tell ! ' ' The unexpected happens as regularly as

The Washington Pedigree. 355

the expected) 9 compared with the records of the rest of
the brood.

Mrs. Amphillis (Boades) Washington, died at home,
in the village of Tring, and was bnried at Tring parish
chnrch, 16 Jan., 1654-5, according to the church record,
and it is possible that all of her children were at the
funeral.

On 8 Feb., 1654-S, about a month after the funeral,
letters of administration on the personal estate of Mrs.
Washington, by the Archdeacon's Court, at Wheat-
hampstead, Herts, ''to John Washington, the eldest
lawful and natural son of Amphillis Washington, late
of Tring, dec'd.'' ''He being first sworn, deposed,'*
&c. This valuable item settles three things. Am-
phillis' son John was then of ftdl age, 21 years, as was
necessary, so that he could qualify as administrator.
That he was present in person in Ihis Diocesan Court,
on this date, 8 Feb., 1654-S, and that he must have re-
turned shortly to Virginia, to personally receive his
commission, on 4 April, 1655, promoting him from a
captain to a major of the Westmoreland regiment,at the
time that Thomas Speke (the first husband of Washing-
ton 's third wife), was appointed its colonel, and
Nathaniel Pope (Washington's second father-in-law),
its lieut. col. The appointment of John Washington
to be the major of the first regiment organized iu this
new county, shows he had been well established in the
county of Northumberland, from which it was formed,
for several years at least, and was a man of affairs, and
popular in tiie county, where shortly the parish in which
he resided was given his surname. It was not remarka-
ble that he should have been in England when his
mother died, it was only a coincidence, and this was his
first trading voyage abroad, under Col. Pope, a busiuess
he followed on his own account for many years after
this, and in this way, "came to Virginia" in several
different years.

356 The Washington Pedigree.

You have seen that Lawrence Washington, A.B.,
1623, A. M., 1626, remained at the University as a theo-
logical student, preparing for the ministry, and
received the B. D. degree, 10 March, 1632-3. And that
from 27 May, 1623, when he was elected, till 30 Nov.,
1633, when he resigned it, he was a Fellow of Brasenose
College, and *' necessarily unmarried.*' The college
Fellowships of Lawrence's time, were still governed
by feudal and monkish requirements and regulations,
which had been enforced ever since there were colleges
and fellowships in Great Britain and the continent.
These ancient fellowships, regulations and customs
were unchanged at Oxford University till in 1852, when
they were revised and modified to conform more witii
modem customs and comforts.

Under the olden time Fellowship rules, to be elected
a Fellow, the candidate had to be a graduate of the
college that controlled the Fellowship he desired to join,
and agree to continue to be a student in some special
course. The advantages it would give a Fellow over
ordinary students and the undergraduates were many,
because he had more privileges. Another imi)ortant
feature was he was a co-partner in the Fellowship fund,
and even in the college revenue, which was a great help
to a poor student. Such advantages made them the
aristocrats of the college world. Tho freer in his
movements, he still had to conform with the funda-
mental college laws, as well as those of his Fellowship.
The one law, passed on for centuries, that particularly
interests us, is the one that a college student, an under-
graduate or a post-graduate, must be and remain a
bachelor while connected with the University and his
college. Naturally, this was the sine qua non of the
Fellowships, for the Fellow was only a higher grade
college student, therefore, a Fellow was ** necessarily
unmarried.** And one other rule was, should a Fellow
while pursuing his studies, and enjoying the Fellow-

The Washington Pedigree. 357

ship, receive a salaried position, he must resign from
his Fellowship, and shonld a Fellow marry, he also must
resign. Since the ancient laws have been made more
liberal, students may marry, and a married man can
become, by special permission, members of a Fellow-
ship, also Fellows may marry, if they get the permis-
sion, but not otherwise. A married Fellow, at Cam-
bridge, is called a Fellow Commoner, and at Oxford, a
Gentleman Commoner. These married Fellows are
obliged to pay extra *'to common," that is to dine with
the regular Fellows at their table, the latter being
known as the Dons of the college, while the married
students who are Fellows, are Demi Dons.

Lawrence Washington we know was, a Fellow. Was
he married while a Fellow t When he got a salaried
position he resigned from the Fellowship, for he could
not hide that fact. We have seen that in paying his
debts, he was an honorable man, and in this other mat-
ter he had nothing to conceal.

If it was not that it was certainly possible for Law-
rence Washington, B. D., after he resigned from his
Fellowship, to marry and have a child bom to him^
before Lawrence, Jr., was bom, then the 1629 bugaboo
deserved the prominence I have given it. But even
with Mr. Washington's schedule satisfactory, there
seems to be no way of being able to eliminate the ugly
thing toto ccbIo as I should like to, by exposing it as
fake item, a forgery and counterfeit, and the figuring
on it is after all, only amusement, but it is certainly the
proper thing to do.

For instance, John Washington's undated deposition,
in which he gives his then age, I have said, has position
in the Order Book of the Court, between two dated
items, showing it should have been dated Feb., 1673-4.
Li this deposition, made under oath presumably, he
says his age is **45, or thereabouts.*' We understand
'^tiiereabout" to mean near to, or close to. He might

358 The Wctshington Pedigree.

have said, if pushed for a definite answer, aged 44 or 43,
(and may have gone farther up the gamut of age) ; but
what consolation does this bring? It only places his
birth in either 1628-9, or 1629-0, or 1630, or 1631,
according as reckoned by 0. S. or N. S. In any of
these years, Lawrence Washington was '^necessarily
unmarried.^'

Again, it may have been in 1674 that '' thereabouts"
meant time within the fourth decade, '^ between 40 and
50 years of age," and '^45" was the compromise date.
But John, in 1674, should have been only 40, to satisfy
us. Since it was possible for Mr. Washington to have
married openly in Dec., 1633, and son John to have been
bom in August, 1634, and followed by the birth of his
brother Lawrence, Jr. (tho we do not have the date
of his birtib; only that of his baptism), in June, 1635.
With John "bom August, 1634," he would be old
enough in 1655, to have gone to Virginia, become a
militia captain, the supercargo for Pope, of Virginia,
and his mother's administrator, and we would have be^i
satisfied. But this "Again" idea is too Utopian to be
accepted seriously. The Court matter in which Col.
Washington's name appeared, was not a personal one,
nor had his age any bearing whatever on it, therefore,
his statement of his age was not a false pretense, as the
giving of his age was only a matter of form.

Probably the last chance of the reduction of "45"
might be found in the original entry in the Court record.
But this has been tried, and "45, or thereabouts," is the
correct reading of the entry.

Now what, may I ask, will enable us to exclaim:
"Colonel, you were wrong. You were only 39, or 40
years old in Feb., 1673-4!

In conclusion, I have this to say to Washington
descendants, there are some features apparent in what
I have reported, which are worthy of more prominence,
but as they wipe out the stigma the Bev. Lawrence

The Washington Pedigree. 359

seems to be undery they separate them, for a while
probably, from the long Washington pedigree.

While here is proof aplenty that Lawrence was a son
of the lord of Brington, and became a Fellow, a proctor,
a B. D., &c., at Oxford, and then the rector of Purleigh,
1634-1643, and a diocesan surrogate, 1648-9, there is
no proof that this minister waa the husband of Am-
phillis Boades, or that he was the father of the children
baptised at Tring church, or that he had ever resided
there, or that he was the Lawrence Washington buried
at Maiden church.

It is only assumed that the Lawrence Washingtons
who are styled **Mr.'' once only on the Tring parish
register, and once on that of Maiden, are identical with
the rector of Purleigh, because a minister was thus
entitled in the records of that period, but that is not
enough, for to his name it was the custom to write the
suflSx **clerk*' (especially if a B. D., Oxon.), his legal
appellation in the Churdi of England. This may be
seen in the above-mentioned Chancery suit, 1640, where
he is **Mr.*' and **clerf The designation of **Mr.**
was not sufficient to identify a man as a cleric, because,
for one reason, the school teacher was styled '^ Master"
then, aQd this title was abbreviated into ^^Mr."

Nor is there proof that the father of the children
baptised at Tring, was the Lawrence Washington
buried at Maiden. The latter was buried in 1652, and
you have read there was a Mrs. Washington whom a
Commission made a beneficiary of the church and
parish the Bev. Lawrence Waslungton was ousted from
by the Cromwellians. As it was in August, 1649, it was
decided to aid **the wife of the Bector" who had been
^'plundered," and you have seen he was a surrogate in
the previous Jan. I should not be surprised if it was
found sometime that this lady asking aid was then his
widow, and that the former rector died between Jan.,

360 The Washington Pedigree.

1648-9, and August, 1649, and that the lady was not
Amphillis.

It can be seen there is good proof that the Virginians,
Col. John, Lawrence and Martha Hayward, were chil-
dren of Mrs. Amphillis Washington of Tring, and that
^*Mr. Lawrence Washington,*' also of Tring, 1635-41,
(and several years later, it may be assumed, because
two children were bom after 1641), was their father,
but proof is certainly required to establish that he and
the minister were one and the same man.

In 1893, Mr. Waters was positive he had finished at
last his many years ' quest satisfactorily, by placing, as
he expressed it, the right keystone in his ^^ Washington
arch," when he used the information found in the
Martha Hayward will. Tn 1886, he had no hope nor ex-
pectation he ever would complete his undertaMng, which
was to justify his theory that the Eev. Lawrence Wash-
ington of Purleigh, was the husband of Amphillis,
and the father of Col. John of Virginia, for he knew, as
well as any of the critics of his Washington work, its
weakness, namely, the lack of proper proof positive to
establish beyond doubt that * * the Bev. Lawrence Wash-
ington, clerk," of Purleigh, and the "Mr. Lawrence
Washington" of Tring, were identical. This was his
theorem, and the following items his sole proof, which
he was sure made a perfect "keystone" to bind and
make his perfect * ' ardi. ' '

One of these items is from the will of Mrs. Martiia
Hayward, sister of Col. John Washington, in which she
mentions "my sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Rumbold, in
England." The other item being from the will of
Mrs. Mewce, a sister of the Rev. Lawrence Washing-
ton, in which she mentions "Elizabeth Rumhcdl, my
niece."

Mr. Waters was quick to jump at the pleasant con-
clusion that the two named Elizabeths were the same
person, because ^ ' their surnames were the same, ' ' altho

The Washmgton Pedigree. 361

written differently, one '*Bumbold,'' the other *' Rum-
ball," one being the accidental perversion of the other,
bnt he did not go so far as to venture which should be
the correct surname for both.

Being self -convinced of this, he sees that Amphillis'
''Mrs. Elizabeth Bumbold," being the niece of Mrs.
Mewce, **Mrs. Bumbold" only could have been the
daughter of Mrs. Mewce *s brother, the rector of Pur-
leigh, therefore this clergyman was the husband of
Amphillis and the father of her six children.

From this deduction, the .material, the ''keystone"
was made, and it completed the "Washington Arch,"
and that's all there is to this great genealogical discov-
ery. The conjunction of the two will items is the only
"proof" that the Bev. Lawrence Washmgton was the
father of Colonel John Washington. Should it be in-
disputable, it leaves the clergyman and the colonel each
with a ' ' skeleton. ' ' Otherwise, in which of the numer-
ous Washington families of England belonged the ' ' Mr.
Lawrence Washington," of Tring, Herts, 1636, who
married Amphillis Boades about 1628, and was alive
about 1642 f

Licidentally this is the place to mention that about
the time of these occurrences, there was a Washington
family owning and residing at Beaches manor, in Brent-
Pelham parish, Herts. The lord of this manor was
Adam Washiugton, a barrister of Lincoln's Inn, who
bought this manor in 1640, owning at the time two
others in the county. His wife, living in 1659, was
Elizabeth, daughter of Francis Floyer, lord of Brent-
Pelham manor, high sheriff of Herts, in 1648. Their
daughter Margaret Washington, of Euen parish, Herts,
aged 20, her parents dead, had license to marry, in 1679,
William Wright.

I wish for the memory of Mr. Waters, that his de-
duction had been as plausible as pleasing, but we can't
get away from the fact that for centuries there have

362 The Washington Pedigree.

been two distinct families in England, often in the same
county, called, the one Bmnbold, the other Bmnball;
the niece was bom to one, and the sister married into
the other.

Because there were, and are, so many families of eadi
of these surnames, and for want of space, I shall men-
tion only a few instances of Bumball (having done
the same for Bumbold), they being suitable to this re-
view. As mentioned of Btmibold, Bumball, too, has
had many variations, or corruptions, as Bombold; —
BumboU, Bumbell, Bumble, and even Bumbello, to
match Bumbold 's Bomboldus.

William Bumball and wife Elizabeth had a son bap-
tised at St. Paul's, Covent Garden, London, 22 Feb.,
1662-3. "Mr. WiUiam BumbalP' was buried at this
church (**he died of ye Plague'O, 6 July, 1665. Bich-
ard Bumball, of Great Buddon parish, Essex, widower,
age 50, had license to marry, 16 May, 1661. Bichard
Bumball, and wife Elizabeth, had a daughter baptised
17 June, 1683, at Christ Church, New Gate, London.
Buried at this church, 20 Oct., 1685, Mrs. Elizabeth
Bumball, and on the 23d, Bichard Bumball. Edmund
Bumball, of Christ Church parish, London, aged 25, had
license to marry, 15 June, 1675. John Bumball, Gent,
of Shefford, Bedford, widower, age 50, had license to
marry in London, 6 April, 1665.

Edward Bumball, of lYiUham, Essex, Esq., age 25, had
license, dated 13 Sep., 1687, to marry Lady Anne
Villiers, of St. Margaret parish, Westminster, (Lon-
don), age 19, daughter of the Bt. Hon. George Villiers,
Lord Viscount of Grandison. The Viscount was a near
relative of George ViUers, Duke of Buckingham, whose
half-sister Lady Anne Villiers, was the wife of Sir
William Washington, of Kensington and Thistleworth,
Middlesex, brother to Sir John, Bev. Lawrence, Mrs.
Mewce, &c.

John Newdigate removed with his family from Lon-

The Washington Pedigree. 363

don to Boston, Mass., in 1632. His son and heir,
Nathaniel Newdigate, returned to London, became a
merchant, and died there leaving a will, dated 22 Sep.,
1668. He named his wife, Isabella, his ex'trix, and his
brothers-in-law, Sir John Lewis, Edward Bmnball, of
the Savoy, a precinct of the Strand, London, and Ed-
mund White, merchant of London, overseers. Among
his legatees — ^ * To Edward BumbaU, and his wife, Anne,
ten pounds a piece.'* **To my niece, Mary Bumball,
five pounds. ' ' Isabella and Anne, mentioned, and Joan,
wife of Sir F. Holies, were sisters of Sir John Lewis.

If it is admitted as a fact that there was always a
Bumbold family and a Bumball family, it proves that
*^ niece BumbalP' was not ** sister Bumbold.'' This
agreed upon, then there is no known proof that the
clergyman of Purleigh was the Mister of Tring. There-
fore, the clergyman was not the father of the colonel,
hence, the latter was, no doubt, bom in wedlock. Other-
wise, if the niece and the sister were identical, it has to
be believed, throu^ the evidence, that the colonel was
illegitimate, unless we prefer to think the Fellow lived
a double life, a bachelor at the University, and a mar-
ried man and father somewhere else. It would not be
fair to Amphillis to say she never was married, since
a record of her marriage has not been found, because
the circumstantial evidence of the Tring parish church
register is in her favor. However, it only shows her
husband was a **Mr." Lawrence Washington. Who
he was it is charitable to those concerned, to say he has
never been identified, therefore, the authoritative Boyal
Descent line of the Bev. Lawrence Washington remains
in abeyance so far as Colonel John Washington of Vir-
ginia is concerned, because there is no proof he was the
son of the clergyman.

364 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

THE SECOND TROOP PHILADELPHIA CITY

CAVALRY.

BY W. A. NEWMAN DOBLAND, A.M., MJD., VJLC.S.

Major, Medical Corps, U. S. Army; formerly First Lieutenant and
Surgeon of the Troop (April 1, 1898-NoTember 10, 1003.)

[For Referenoea aefi poffes 585-^87.]

(Continued from page 201.)

Chaptbe m.

THE TBOOP BECOMES THE SECOND CITY TEOOP.

An important event in local affairs occurred in the
winter of 1784-5. This was notiiing less than the
division of Philadelphia Connty by Act of Assembly,
September 10, 1784, a considerable portion of the terri-
tory now going to form Montgomery County. As a
result of this partition a number of the former Phila-
delphia County troopers found themselves expatriated,
as it were ; and no longer being residents of Philadel-
phia County they were no longer eligible as members
of the County Troop of Horse. Accordingly, in the
spring of 1785 there appeared the foUowiaig public
notice : — ""

''Philadelphia County, April 12, 1785.— n.b.— A
number of vacancies have happened in the troop, by
the county of Philadelphia being divided; any gentle-
man desirous of joining said troop of horse is requested
to make his application soon, at the subscriber's office,
in the Northern-Liberties," Philadelphia county.

** William Coats, Lieutenant of the
coxmty of Philadelphia,''

mva^aWi^P^^'^V^^BV

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 365

Later in this year appeared the following notice : — ™

''The Gentlemen of the Troop of Horse of Mont-
gomery comity, are requested to meet, properly
equipped, at the house of Abraham DufKeld, at the
Crooked Billet,*^ on Monday the 20^ instant, at ei^t
o^clock in the Morning.

*'J. Morris/'
''August 15, 1785/'

In September, the following notice appeared: — ^

' ' The troops of li^t dragoons will meet the 18*^ of
October, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, at the house of
William Lesher, in Gtermantown, with their accoutre-
ments compleai

"WiLMAM Coats, Lieut, of Phil, county."
"Philadelphia, September 23, [1785]."

And the following in November : — ^

"The County Light Horse are desired to meet (for
the last time tbiQ season) at the house of Mr. John
Dover 8 [5ic], at the old Bising-Sun, on the German-
town road, 4 miles from Philadelphia, the 18^ instant.
It is hoped every man will be weU equipped, and be
punctual in meeting at 10 o 'clock in the Morning.

*^ Signed, Wm. Coats, lieut. county Philad."
"Philadelphia county, November 10, 1785."

In 1786, the first Troop notice appeared in April : — ^

' ' The Troop of Li^t-Horse of the coimty of Phila-
delphia, will please to take Notice, that they are to
Parade on Tuesday next, the 2* of May, precisely at
9 o 'clock in the Morning, at the Old Rismg Stm, on the
Germantown road, properly equipt as Light-Horsemen,
in order to join the 2^ Battalion, commanded by Colonel
[Matthew] Holegate [sic].

. ''William Coats, Lieut. C. P."
'Philadelphia, County, April 26, 1786."

Vol. XLV.— 26

366 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

Naturally, the limitation of the territory of the
county more closely allied tiie interests of its inhabi-
tants with those of the city proper. Consequently,
when, in 1786, Captain Snyder was compelled to
relinquish the conmiand of the Troop, it was but
logical that the members of the organization should
select as their leader one whose interests lay in both
city and county. Therefore, Robert Hopkins, a mem-
ber of the City battalion, was chosen as Captain
Snyder *s successor, in April, 1786, and administered
the Troop affairs during the next two years.** Israel
Elliot, at that time became Lieutenant of the Troop
and Isaac Keen, Comet.

That the military iostinct was strong in the land at
this date, and that the War of the Revolution had not
been followed by a period of reaction and stagnation,
as is so often the case, may be proved by two interest-
ing excerpts from the State records of 1786. The first
of these is a note directed to

**His Excellency, the President of the Supreme
Council*

* ' The Officers of the Militia of the City and Liberties
of Philadelphia present their most respectful Compli-
ments to his Excellency the President [Governor] and
members of the Hon"* the Supreme Executive Council,
requesting the Honor of their presence at a review of
the Light Companies and other DetatchmerLts [sic] of
said Militia, on Thursday the 14^ Inst, at 3 o'clock in
the Afternoon.

**Philad» Sept 12^ 1786. '^

Six weeks later we find the following typical letter
from Colonel Francis Mentges to Vice-President
Biddle :— "

*' Philadelphia, the 26"^ 8bre, 1786
^*Sir,

The Battallion of Artillery was, at their last
Muster Day, prevented of parading on account of the

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 367

weather, they therefore concluded at a very numerous
meeting to parade on Monday next with two pieces of
ordnance, provided with QO poirnds of Oatridges at
their own expence, and to take up a Line of March, in
conjunction with the Troops of Light Dragoons and the
Companies of Light Lifantry, to perform the different
evolutions and firings to close the season; of which
corps they have honored me with the command. I
thought proper to inform you and the Hon'ble the
Council of this manoeuvre, and hope it will meet with
your approbations, which will afford the greatest satis-
faction to those Citizens who are wishing to be perfect
in the military art, to act as soldiers in case of necessity.

* ' I have the honor to be,
^'with the highest esteem,

**Your Ob. H. Servt.,

*'F. Mentges."

**N. B. You will please to favor me with an answer
today.

*'The Honb. Charles Biddle, Vice President

The announcement for the Fall drills, appeared in
September as follows : — ^

** Philadelphia County, September 14, 1786.

'^The Militia of the coimty of Philadelphia are
hereby Notified, That agreeable to the direction of the
Militia Law, they are to meet on the following days to
exercise, viz. In. companies the two first Mondays in
the month of October, viz : the 2d and 9**. The first
battalion on Monday the 16**" of October. The second
battalion on Tuesday the 17*^ ditto.

* * The TBOOP OF LIGHT DRAGOONS will plcasc to obscrvc
thay they are to meet the first battalion on Monday the
16"*, near the ten mile stone, on the Newtown road,
properly mounted and equipt.

*'Wm. Coats, Lieut. C. P.''

368 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

The usual Fall inspection followed this event in a
few weeks, as is shown in the accompanying record : — ^
* ' The battalion of militia, commanded by Col. Matthew
Jones, and which is composed of the freemen of Phila-
delphia and Montgomery counties, was, on Friday last

[Oct. 20] , reviewed by the Inspector General

The troops of light dragoons, with their horses well
trained and imiformly caparisoned, commanded by
Captain [Bobert] Hopkins and Lieutenant Jones, be-
longing to the above mentioned counties, joined and
acted on the wings of the battalion in its several posi-
tions, and closed the evolutions by firing their pistols
and charging each other in sham fight.''

Military activity for 1786 closed on November 6, as
the following notices state :•• — ^''A number of the gen-
tlemen belonging to the several corps of Light Drar
goons of the city and county, artillery and light in-
fantry of the city and liberties, propose to assemble
on the Commons, at 8 o'clock next Monday morning
[October 30], in order to close the exercises for the
season. It is proposed to form, take up a line of mardi,
make a short circuit, and perform the several evolu-
tions and firings. This measure has been signified to
his hon. the supreme executive coimcil, and has met
with their highest approbation.

**The officers of the respective corps above men-
tioned, are therefore requested to meet Col. Mentges,
at five 'clock this afternoon, m the state house yard, in
order to fix and determine upon the necessary arrange-
ments.
*^ October 27, 1786."

A special interest is attached to this notice as being
the first direct indication of the drawing together of
the militia and volunteers of the city and county. In
a little over a year from this date the County Troops
became known as the Second City Troop. The pro-

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 369

posed drill waa postponed a week, bb the following
notice shows:" —

' ^ The badness of the weather on Monday last, having
prevented the assembling of the Vohmteer Corps of
the Militia, of the City, liberties and county, as was
proposed and agreed on, they are hereby informed that
Monday next [Nov. 6], precisely at 8 o'clock, a, m,, is
assigned for that purpose: It is therefore earnestly
requested, that the Gentlemen composing the cavalry,
artillery and light infantry, will be punctual in their
attendance, as it will be the last general review for the
season. Each dragoon will furnish himself with 9
rounds, and each light infantry soldier with 20 rounds
of cartridges.

^^F. Mektoes, Insp. Gen. p. m.
*'Nov. 1, [1786]. '^

Later we read:" — ** Monday last [Nov. 6], five light
infantry companies, a detachment of artillery, and the
light dragoons of the county, assembled on the com-
mons of this city, took up a line of march, proceeded to
a field on the Germantown road, performed several
evolutions and firings, returned to the Commons in the
evening (making a detour or circuitous march of near
nine miles), expended the residue of their ammunition
prepared for the purpose, and thus concluded the
parade exercises for the season. Colonel Mentges, in-
si)ector general, was honored with the command on the
occasion."

The days of exercise for the spring of 1787 are re-
corded in the following public notice :•• —

** Philadelphia county, April 3, 1787.
' ' Notice is hereby given to the inroUed militia of the
county of Philadelphia, that the following days are
appointed by law as days of exercise, viz. In com-
panies the two last Mondays in the month of April, viz.

370 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

the 23^ and 30"*; And in battalion, in the following
order: The first battalion, commanded by Colonel
[Isaac] Worrell, on the first Monday in May, viz. the
7*^. The second battalion, commanded by Colonel
[Mattiiew] Holegate, on Tuesday, the 8*^ day of May,
The Tboops of Light Dragoons are to meet the Second
battalion, commanded by Colonel Holegate, on their
parade day, by eleven o'clock in the morning. . . .

^'WiLMAM Coats, Lieut, c. p.*'

An account of the Troop drill on this occasion [ad-
vanced one day] is preserved: — ^ **0n Monday last
[May 7] the 2* battalion of Philadelphia County Mi-
litia paraded on the Commons near Germantown, with
the county troop of light dragoons. The battalion was
commanded by Col. Holgate, the troop by captain Hop-
kins ; and it is with pleasure we assure the public tiiat
the battalion and troop went through the different
manoeuvres and firing with the greatest skill and abil-
ity. Such an example ought to influence the other
counties to qualify themselves for the service of their
country, which, in the present state of things, may de-
mand the assistance of every friend to good govern-
ment.^'

The followiflig month, June, 1787, the Troop par-
ticipated in a general review of the dty and county
militia by President Washington.* On October 1, 1787,
there occurred the last parade for the season of the
Light Companies attached to the Begiments of the City
and Liberties, in which the County Troop participated.'*
The trend of the Troop toward the city, which had be^i
manifesting itself with great rapidity since the division
of the county, was irresistible, and fisially the Legis-
lature of the State was petitioned to authorize its in-
clusion among the volunteer organizations of the city.
Accordingly, there was passed, on March 22*, 1788, an
Act entitled, **An Additional Supplement to the Acts

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 371

for the Begnlation of the Militia of the Oommonwealth
of Pennsylvania, ' ' in which appears the following : — ^

STATE OP PBNNSYLVAliaA.

An additional Supplement to the Acts for the rega-
lation of the Militia of the Commonwealth of Penn-
sylvania.

Whereas the present laws for the regulation of the
Militia of this Commonwealth prove very burthensome
and expensive to those who spend their time in attend-
ing on Muster days, as well as to those who from con-
scious scruples or otherwise neglect or refuse to give
such attendance and more especially as the benefits de-
rived or which can possibly be expected to be derived
to the State under the present system are by no means
proportionate to the certain loss and ezpence incurred
thereby : Atad whereas it is conceived that the present
laws for the regulation of the Militia of this Common-
wealth might be rendered less burthensome by lessen-
ing the days of exercise and imp(roved by furnishing
the Militia with powder, in order to go throu^ their
firings on such days as may be thougjht necessary for
them to attend on military duty.

Be it therefore enacted and it is hereby enacted by
the representatives of the Freemen of the Common-
wealth of Pennsylvania in General Assembly met, and
by the authority of the same, That the Lieutenant of
the city of Philadelphia, and of the several counties
within this Commonwealth are hereby empowered and
required to furnish the officers commanding battalions
or corps for every Militia Man bearing arms in such
battalion or corps within the city and several coimties
aforesaid, with thirteen cartridges for the purpose of
going through their firings, every battalion day, where^
on by law they are required to attend military duty,
and to apply so much of the money arising from fines

372 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

on delinquents for their non attendance on Militia
duty as will defray said expence. Provided always,
that the delivery of cartridges by the conunanding
officers respectively, shall be confined to the men
actually under arms, and if such commanding officers
respectively, shall have received more cartridges than
are necessary agreeably to this act for the number of
men actually appearing under arms on the parade, they
shall return the overplus agreeably to a field return to
be delivered to the respective county lieutenants, in
convenient time after each battalion day:

And he it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That from and after the passing of this act, the fine
on non-commissioned officers and privates for non-
attendance on Militia duty, every battalion day where-
on, by law, the enrolled Militia, within this Oom-
monwealth, are required to attend Milita duty shall be
the sum of seven shillings and six pence and no more.

And be it further enacted by the a/uthority aforesaid,
That so much of the act of Qeneral Assembly, entitled
^'A further supplement to the act entitled, an act for
the regulation of the Militia of the Oommonwealth of
Pennsylvania, ' ' as requires the enrolled Militia to meet
in companies on the several days Hierein mentioned,
and which imposes a fine of five shillings on such as
neglect or refuse to meet on such days of exercise, is
hereby repealed and made null and void, any thing in
the several laws of this Commonwealth for the regula-
tion of ike Militia contained, to the contrary in any
wise notwithstanding.

And whereas several of the Freemen of the city of
Philadelphia, with a view to render themselves as use-
ful to their country in the character of Militia as pos-
sible, have voluntarily associated and formed them-
selves into a troop of Light Dragoons, and are desirous
of being authorized and established as such by law.

Be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid,

"■C-^CT^

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 373

That in addition to the troop of Militia Light Dragoons
for the said city already formed under the laws of this
Commonwealth, there shall be one other troop of Light
Dragoons for the said city, formed by volunteer asso-
ciation of the Freemen of the said city (i^luding those
persons who have already voluntarily associated and
formed themselves as aforesaid), to consist of one
Captain, one First Lieutenant, one Second Lieutenant,
one Comet, four Sergeants, four Corporals, one Far-
rier, one Trumpeter and sixty eight privates, which said
additional troop shall be under the like rules and regu-
lations with the other Militia troop of Light Dragoons
within this Commonwealth and the Officers of the said
corps, shall be accordingly and in like manner commis-
sioned by the Supreme Executive Council.

And whereas some of the Militia of this State have
voluntarily formed themselves into companies of Light-
armed Infantry and have attached themselves to the
battalions, from which they have been respectively
formed, and others influenced by their example, may be
desirous of fomung like companies from other bat-
talions;

Be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That it shall and may be lawful, for the volunteers
composing the aforesaid companies of light infantry, to
elect by ballot one captain, one first and one second
lieutenant, and that non-oonmiissioned officers of such
companies shall be appointed in like manner as is usual
in the other militia, and the said companies respectively
may consist of sixty ei^t men, exclusive of officers,
provided such number have joined or hereafter shall
join such companies, and shdl be attached to, and act
with the battalion from which they are or shall be
formed, and be subject to like rules and regulations as
the other militia of this State.

And be it further enacted by the a/uthority afore-
said, That whenever forty volunteers from any bat-

374 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

talion within this commonwealth, shall signify to the
commanding officer thereof their intention of forming
a company of light inf antry, and shall be willing to
eqnip and cloath themselves in uniform for that pur-
pose, it shall be lawful for them to elect their officers,
and thereafter they may consist of like number, and
shall be governed and regulated in like manner as the
companies mentioned in the section last preceding.

Signed by order of the Hotise,

THOMAS MIFFLIN, Speaker.

Enacted into a Law at Philadelphia,
on Saturday the twenty second day
of March, in the year of our Lord
one thousand seven hundred and
eighty eight.

PETEE ZACHABY LLOYD,
Clerk of the General Assembly.

^*Sect. V. And whereas several of the freemen of
the city of Philadelphia, with a view to render them-
selves as useful to their country, in the diaracter of
militia, as possible, have voluntarily associated, and
formed themselves into a troop of light dragoons, and
axe desirous of being authorized and established as
such by law: Be it thebbfobb enaoted by the Axj-
THOBiTY Afobesau), That in addition to the troop of
militia light dragoons for the said city, already formed
under the laws of tMs commonwealth, there shall be
one other troop of light dragoons for the said city,
formed by volunteer association of the freemen of the
said city (including those persons who have already
voluntarily associated and formed themselves as afore-
said) to consist of one Captain, one first Lieutenant^
one second Lieutenant^ one Comet, four Sergeants,
four Corporals, one Farrier, one Trumpeter, and fifty-
eight privates, which said additional troop shall be
under like rules and regulations with the other militia

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 375

troop of light dragoons within this commonwealth^ and
the officers of the said corps shall be accordingly, and in
like manner, commissioned by the Supreme Executive
Council/'

Then came into existence the Second City Troop. A
reorganization was immediately accomplished; and
Captain Hopkins refusing another term of office, he
was succeeded, on May 24, 1788, by William Bingham,
according to the following *'Eetum of Officers Elected
and Nominated Aggreeable [sic] to the Militia Law of
this State, by [Colonel] Wm. Henry, Lieut, City Phila-
delphia, Lieutenant's office, June 1st, 1788: — ^
William Bingham, Captain, May 24, 1788.
William Jackson, 1st Lieut., '* *' **
James Campbell,** 2d Lieut., '' ''
Jacob Cox, Comet, '' '' ''

Chapter IV.

THE EABLY OFFICEBS OP THE TBOOP.

Of the three captains of the county troop prior to
its development into the Second City Troop, but scanty
information, other than that comtained in the extant
Troop records, can be obtained.

The Paries family from early Colonial tunes in
Pennsylvania has held a permanent place in the differ-
ent communities in which its members have been
located. The name has been variously spelled — ^Faris,
Fearis, Faires, Fariess, Ferris, Faeris, Farris, Faries
— ^but it has finally established itself in its present form.
All are descended from the Welsh settler, Jacob Paris,
who was one of the builders of the old diurch in Pen-
cader, Delaware.

Owen Fabies was bom about 1750, and, on April 27,
1779, was married, in Christ Church, to Jane LUkens.
On December 4, 1779, he laid before the Supreme Ex-

376 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

ecutive Council * * a Certificate of the Payment of Seven-
teen thousand and Ten pounds to Colonel Qeorge Smith,
Agent for forfeited estates in the County of Philadel-
phia, being the Purchase money of a Tract of Land,
late the Property of Henry Jounkin, forfeited to iiie
State and sold by the Land Agent. And a draft of
survey of the said Land, signed by Robert LoUer and
certified by Thomas Hale, one of the Agents for said
County, and a Deed granting the same to the said
Owen Faries. Being read. Ordered, That the same be
Executed according to Law/^*^ In 1780, he resided in
Germantown, and offered for sale ^^a small plantation
in Hatfield Township ; ' * the same year there is recorded
the sale of the estate of John Wright to Owen Faries,
comprising a tract of land of 50 acres in Hatfield town-
ship for 5100 pounds Continental money, with a ground
rent of 2H bushels of wheat."^ On October 19, 1780,
Owen Faries requests *' those to wiiom he is indebted
to bfing in their accounts by the first day of December
next, as he intends to move to Philadelphia. ^'^ He
was elected a member of Lodge No. 4, of the Masonic
Order of Philadelphia, on March 23, 1779, but opposite
his name is the significant entry: ^^Qone, not known
where/' On June 18, 1782, an order of the Supreme
Executive Council of Pennsylvania, **was drawn on the
Treasurer in favor of Peter Frailey and Owen Ferris
for two pounds specie, for their services in securing
James M'Cullough, a deserter from the Continental
army ;^^ and, on April 12, 1783, the Coimcil granted to
Owen Ferris a passport to New York.*** From this
time all trace of him is lost. On May 1, 1784, there is
recorded in Philadelphia a firm, Brown and Fearis,
having a comnussion store the second door below
Spruce in Water Street.^** On July 3, 1790, the partner-
ship of James Hutton and a Mr. Farris was dissolved."*
What relationship these persons bore to Owen Faries
is not known. About this time a branch of the Faries

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 377

family purchased a large tract of land near the present
town of Smyrna, Delaware, where some of that name
still live. Owen Faries commanded the Troop of
Horse from May, 1775, to December 2, 1780, when he
was succeeded by David Snyder. In 1779, CSharles
Wilson Peale painted a miniature of * ' Captain Farris,
of the Li^t Horse of Germantown. ' ^^^

David Sntdbb (ScHNEmBB), miller, lived in or near
Oxford township, near Frankf ord, Philadelphia County,
where some of his descendants still reside. He has left
but few records of his life. He was related to Christian
Schneider, who arrived in Philadelphia, October 9,
1747, in the ship **Eestauration,*' James Hall, Captain.
On May 6, 1777, he was commissioned Lieutenant
Colonel of the Third Battalion of Militia for Philadel-
phia County, that Battalion kicluding troops from Chel-
tenham, Abington, Lower Moreland, Lower Dublin,
Byberry and Oxford. In 1778, he was a grand juror
for the City and County of Philadelphia. On Decem-
ber 2, 1780, he succeeded Owen Faries in command of
the County Troop of Horse, and held that office until
1786, when he was succeeded by Eobert Hopkins. On
March 28, 1782, Captain Snyder, with Captains John
Nice and Eobert Erwin, joined in charges before the
President and Supreme Executive Council of Pennsyl-
vania, ^ ^ of certain abuses and irregularities at the last
general election for the County. ' ' In 1785, there was a
Peter Snyder living in Fourth Street above Vine. On
June 5, 1797, a David Snyder was married, in Zion
Church, to Sophia Seyfert. Captain Snyder died, in-
testate, in August, 1809: — **on the 29*^ day of August
[1809] Letters of administration were granted unto
Christian Snyder [his son] and Jonathan Bovvngton
[his sourin-law] on the Estate of David Snydbb, miller,
deceased. Frederick Hackly of Nor. Lib., lace weaver,
Benjamin Johnson, Innkeeper, Nor. Lib. sureties $2400
bond. * ' The value of the estate was $1200. On August

378 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

11, 1843, Rebecca, widow of Colonel David Snyder, died
and was bnried from the home of her son-in-law, TFii-
Ziom Cowrod, in Hohnesbnrg. David Snyder's brother.
Christian Snyder, in 1776, was Captain in the Flying
Camp; on March 31, 1779, he took the oath of alle-
giance to the State ; on November 15, 1770, he was mar-
ried to Anna Maria Jansson; and in November, 1793,
he was a Tmstee of the Public School of Gtermantown.
Colonel David Snyder's son. Colonel Christian Snyder,
was bom in 1769; on May, 1812, was Brigade In-
spector of the 2d Brigade, 1st Division P. M., and died
in Moreland township, Montgomery Comity, Pa., on
Jnne 5, 1848, in his 79*** year. He was bnried in Oxford
churchyard, Frankf ord.

BoBEBT Hopkins, Jb., was the son of Bobebt Hopkiks,
Sb., of the District of Bichmond, whose house at Point-
no-Point was bnmed down on March 4, 1769 ; ^o, in
December, 1776, was a member of Captain Jehu Eyre's
Artillery Company of Philadelphia; who took the oath
of allegiance to the State on July 12, 1777 ; ^o died
early in 1780; and whose will, made in 1779, was pro-
bated on March 8, 1780. This document begins as fol-
lows: — **I, Bobert Hopkins of the District of Bich-
mond, .... being advanced in years . . . . , I do
appoint my son Bobert Hopkins and my Daughter
Hannah Hopkins Executors of my will.'* He makes
mention of a granddaughter, Elizabeth, daughter of his
late son, Isaac, and four children — Thomas, Robert,
Mary Jackson, and Hannah Hopkins (married Levi
Ellmaker). After some bequests, the residue of his
property was left to Hannah Hopkins, as well as the
housdiold furniture, etc. His wife's name is not men-
tioned, she probably having predeceased him. In
February, 1784, his executors, William Adcock, Mary
Jackson, Bobert Hopkins, and J. Bates, advertised his
estate for sale at public vendue, aS ^^That pleasant
Seat, formerly the estate of Bobebt Hopkins deceased,

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 379

situate in the precinct of Bichmond, oonunonly called
Point-no-Point, five miles from the city of Philadelphia,
containing 100 acres and a half or thereabouts.''^ In
April, 1785, it is spoken of as *Hhe old place, the late
seat of Mr. Bobebt Hopkins, dec. on Point-no-Point,
five miles from Philadelphia;''^^ and in April, 1787, we
learn that it consisted of ^ ^ a mansion-house and 9 acres
and 13 perches of excellent land."^* His children, as
has been stated, were Isaac (who died before 1780, leav-
ing a daughter Elizabeth) ^ Thomas, Robert, Mary
(who married a Mr. Jackson) and Hannah. The son of
Thomas Hopkins was Robert, an Inspector of Customs,
who died in 1828, his will being probated on Septem-
ber 12, 1828, and who left a wife, Margaret, and twelve
children: — Rebecca, Sarah, Margaret, Christia/n,
Charles J., Mary, Thomas, Elizabeth, Ann, Henry,
Francis (bom in 1806; died October 16, 1842, in his
36*^ year), and Robert.

EoBBRT Hopkins, Jb., son of Robert Hopkins, Sr.,
was probably a member of the Coimty Troop from its
inception, for he is recorded as a private in the first
muster-roll, published in 1777. He attained the cap-
taincy in 1786, following David Snyder, and was suc-
ceeded, on May 24, 1788, by William Bingham. In
April 1786, he is recorded as ** carrying on tiie biscuit-
baking business in Nomi's Alley" [which extended east
and west from Front to Second Street between Chest-
nut and Walnut,"* in partnership with his brother
Thomas.*" They failed in business, for on June 30,
1790, there appeared the first notice of the ^^case of
Thomas Hopkins and Robert Hopkins, Banebufts, of
the City of Philadelphia, Biscuit bakers."*" Bobert
Hopkins was elected a member of the First Troop on
September 24, 1787 ; and took the oath of allegiance to
the State on January 15, 1788. In 1789, he is recorded
as a private in the First Company, Fourth Battalion,
Col. John Shee. He died at his home in the District of

380 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

Bichmond in March^ 1790. His will begins as follows :
— *'I, BoBEBT Hopkins of the Precinct of Bichmond, in
the Northern Liberties^ being afflicted in body but sonnd
of mind, etc. ' ' The executor of his estate was Joseph
Few."* The residue of his estate was left to four minor
sons — James, WUliam, Thomas and Richard, to be
equally divided among them when they reached the a^e
of 21 years. No mention is made of his wife. His son,
Thomas, in 1845, lived at No. 103 Melon Street, above
Thirteenth Street between Green and Coates [Fair-
mont Avenue].

Of the other officers of the Troop during the thirteen
years of its existence from 1775 to 1788, two have left
distinguished records. These are Lieutenant Abraham
Duffield aud Comet Casper Dull.

Abraham Duffield^ was descended from the iauni-
grant, Robert Duffield, in the following line: — Robert
Duffield, who settled in Burlington, New Jersey, about
1678, was bom in England in 1610, and died iu Febru*
ary 1692. His son, Benjamin, was bom in EKiglaud
on September 29, 1661; came to America in 1682,
when 21 years of age ; and died on May ^, 1721. His
son, Thomas, was bom in Benfield [TorrJ^sdale], Pa.,
on February 28, 1691, and died io 1756;, His son,
Jacob, the father of Abraham, was boru in 1724;
married Hannah (bom July 29, 1723^ died October
8, 1793, aged 70 years, daughter of Toby and Hannah
Leech) ; and died on October 16, 1774. He was a
Captain in the regiment commanded by his uncle,
Colonel Jacob Duche, during the French and I^ifln
War of 1756-7. '\

Abraham Duffield, the seventh son of Jacob DuffieldK
and Hannah Leech, was bom in Oxford township, \
Philadelphia County, on September 26, 1753. His ^
mother, after the death of Jacob Duffield, married John
Engle. Abraham received his education at the place of
his birth. When the Revolutionary War broke out he

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 381

was 21 years old; and in 1776, when 23 years old, lie
was an Ensign in the famous Flying Camp."* The next
year he is recorded, together with his brother Eduard,
as a private in the * * Troop of Light Dragoons for the
Comity of Philadelphia. ' "" In 1781, when 28 years old,
he attained the Lieutenancy of the Troop, which office
he held for three years. *'As a partizan he was emi-
nently useful to the American cause, whilst the British
occupied Philadelphia. His accurate knowledge of the
country enabled him to assist in cutting off supplies
from the British ; and made him particularly obnoxious
to the Tories and Befugees, among whom were some of
his neighbors."^" In February, 1782, he opened a
livery stable in the house formerly occupied by Benjor
min Hemmings, in Fourth Street between Lombard and
New Streets. In 1784-85, he was proprietor of the
Crooked Billet Inn in The Crooked Billet [now Hat-
boro]. Pa."*

In early life he entered the flour and lumber business,
and, acquiring considerable wealth, purchased, in 1799,
the old Swedes* mill property (known popularly as
Lydia Darrach's mill) in Frallnkford, together with the
mansion attached, where he resided until his death. As
a bonus for his services in the Revolution he was given
by the Government tracts of land in Kentucky aggre-
gating 3500 acres, which we find him endeavoring to
dispose of in 1791. That he was a man of considerable
means for those times is shown by the fact that he was
a creditor of Robert Morris for over $12,000.

In May, 1802, he was elected the second Burgess that
Frankford had, and held that office for 1803 and 1804.
He was also a Manager of the Frankford and Bristol
Turnpike Company in 1803 and for a number of years
subsequently. In 1812 he was nominated for the As-
sembly by tiie Federalists, but was defeated. In sub-
sequent service in the Philadelphia Militia Lieutenant
Duffield acquired the rank of Major; and on Thursday,

Vol. XLV.— 26

382 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

February 20, 1794, he was commissioned Lieutenant-
Colonel of the 3* Regiment Montgomery County Militia.
He was Chairman at a meeting of the Federal Eepubli-
cans of the County of Philadelphia, convened at the iim.
of Amos Palmer, in the Northern Liberties, on May
14, 1808.^

Abraham Duffield married Hannah WUmerton (bom
May 28, 1746; died April 25, 1825, aged 79 years), of
Bancocas, New Jersey, and by her had oaie son, the
distinguished Colonel Thomas W. Duffleld, 8r., who was
Burgess of Frankford in 1824 at the time of the visit
of Marquis de Lafayette, and, as such, delivered the
address of welcome. Abraham Duffield was present at
the reception which was tendered the illustrious guest.

Colonel Duffield died, on Sunday, January 4, 1835,
at his residence in Frankford, when in the 82* year of
his age, and was interred, on January 8, in Oxford
Church ground, of which church he was for many years
a member. **In the death of the deceased, our country
has lost another of the much diminished number of
those who stood forth in her defence in the gloomiest
days of the Eevolution, at the risk of his life, and with

the loss of his property Few men have died

more respected, and none with fewer enemies.' -"^ His
brother, Richard Duffield (bom in 1761), died near
White Marsh, on November 27, 1832, in his 72* year.

Comet Caspeb Dull, also a distinguished and pa-
triotic man, has left behind him an enviable record.*"
He was the son of the Casper Dull (or Doll)^ a native
of Maintz on the Rhein, who was bom in 1711, and
with his brothers, Sebastian and Christopher, arrived in
this country on August 29, 1739, and settled in Trappe,
Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. This emigrant
had three sons, all of whom became officers in the Conti-
nental Army, as follows: Casper, the eldest; Abram,
who was Ensign in Colonel Arthur St. Clair's Second
Battalion of the Continental Line, and who served in

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 383

the Canadian Campaign of 1776; and Christian, who
was naturalized in Philadelphia on April 6, 1755 ; was
Captain of the First Company in Colonel John Moore 's
Fourth Battalion of Philadelphia Association ; and who
subsequently, in 1789, kept the Spring House Tavern
on the Bethlehem Turnpike, in the township of Gwy-
nedd, Montgomery County, sixteen miles from Phila-
delphia."*

Casper Dull, Jr., was bom at Trappe on June 11,
1748. On September 20, 1774, he married Hannah
Matieu (Mathews) j who was bom, of Huguenot ances-
try, on February 21, 1758, and died on February 21,
1826, aged 68 years."* Casper Dull entered the services
of the Colonies in the early days of the Revolutionary
War, for we find his name included in the list of First
Lieutenants of the Flying Camp of 1776.^ After-
wards, in 1777, he became Comet [second lieutenants
of cavalry and artillery were often so known before
and during the Revolution] of the ** Troop of Light
Dragoons for the County of Philadelphia, Associated
Battalions,^** when he was 29 years old. He was subse-
quently — on November 20, 1777 — ^promoted to a First
Lieutenancy, and later on — on September 10, 1778 —
attained the Captaincy of a company of infantry. There
are on record various muster-rolls of Captain DulPs
company of infantry. Thus, we find at one time '*A
Return of the Second, Third and Fourth Classes of
Captain Casper Dull's Comply, First Batt. Phila.
County Militia, '' certified to in December, 1778.^"
Again, there is recorded *^a Muster Roll of Capt'n
DulPs Comp'y of Militia of the First Battalion of
Philada. County commaned by Col. Daniel Heester,
Esqr. Casper Dull Captn for the 1778.''^

Through some influence unknown to us — ^perhaps be-
cause of a first love — Captain Dull's interest was trans-
ferred back to the cavalry, and on June 17, 1780, we
find him again recorded as Cornet in the Troop of Light

384 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry.

Horse of Philadelphia County."* How long his connec-
tion with the Troop continued is not a matter of record,
but it is probable that at the close of the war his military
service dnded. His devotion to the cause of the Oolo-
nieSy however, is well known, and as a result of his
liberality he emerged from the Bevolution a poorer, if a
more distinguished man. It is true that he literally im-
poverished himself by liberal advances of money and
supplies to the men of his company during the winter
which he spent with Washington at Valley Forge, and
on the tour of duty near Trenton. He was repaid for
this sacrifice in depreciated Continental money,"* which,
it is said, at that time stood in the ratio of 40 to 1 ; and
having burdened himself heavily he was unable to meet
his obligations and was sold out by the sheriff. There
being no exemption law at that eairly period, nothing
was left from the ruin. It is said that Captain Dull
^'put on his best suit, ornamented with silver buttons
with monogram," and following the example of many
other penurious officers, started with his family for
Westmoreland County to take up a grant of land which
had been allotted to him for his service during the war.
Hearing unfavorable reports of the country toward
which he was moving, lie turned off into the Juniata
Valley, and settled a short distance above Waynes-
borough (now McVeytown). Here, some years later,
he was offered a pension which he refused to accept.
He died at McVeytown on July 23, 1829, in his 82* year.
His son. Camper Dull, 3*, was bom on December 25,
1791; married Jane Jtmkin (bom January 14, 1798;
died April 16, 1885) in 1815; and died on September
22, 1874.

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 385

REFERENCES.

^PeniMylvania Qaeetie, April 13, 1785, p. 3, c. 2.

^ In early timee, ''North End" was the name commonly given to the
yarthem lAberUea, when having its only road out Front Street. The
Northern libertiee, originally included Hartsfelder'a iraoi (a tract of
350 acres on Gohocksink Creek granted in 1676 to one Hartsfelder),
and eventually embraced all the land north of the Gohocksink (also
known as ^Itctcey'a Creek and later as Pegg'e Run) and Shackamaxon
Creek (also known as Ounner^a Bun), extending clear across the pen*
insula from Delaware to Schuylkill, westward over the former
Campington. The Northern Liberties were incorporated about 1801.
There were no wagon-|>avements in any part of this district prior to
about 1805 {Watson's AtMols, vol. i, p. 477; Soharf and Westcott,
vol. i, p. 119).

^Pennsylvania Packet, August 18, 1785.

"* The Crooked Billet Tavern was the inn located where Hatboro, Pa.,
now lies. Abraham Duffield also held the lease of the *'Red Lion" Hotel
at Frankford.

'^Pennsylvania Packet, September 24, 1785.

"Ibid, November 11, 1785

"Ibid, April 28, 1786.

** Watson's Annals, vol. i, p. 330. Also Pa., Arch., 6th Series, vol. iii,
p. 1325.

''Pennsylvania Archives, Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1855, p. 57.

" Ibid, p. 78.

"Francis Mentges, bom in Deux Ponts, France, taught dancing in
Philadelphia before the Revolution. He became an officer in the Revo-
lutionary army. On March 22, 1776, he was appointed Adjutant and
Second Lieutenant in Colonel Atlee's Musketry Battalion; and on August
9, 1776, was promoted to First Lieutenant. On October 25, 1776, he
became Major of the Eleventh Regiment of the Pennsylvania Line,
xanking from October 7th. He was transferred to the Seventh Peon-
sylvania on June 21, 1778; and became Lieut.-Colonel of the Fifth
Pennsylvania on October 7, 1778. He was at one time in 1781 and 82,
Inspector of the Southern Army. He retired from the Army on January
1, 1783 {Heitman's Register) . On April 29, 1786, he was elected by the
Philadelphia Council Inspector General of the Militia of the State of
Pennsylvania; and for several years was Adjutant General of Penn-
sylvania. He ocMnmanded the left wing of the line in the great Federal
Procession of 1788. He was an active member of the Pennsylvania
State Society of the CinoinnatL He died at Rocky Mount, South
Carolina, greatly lamented, on October 6, 1805 i American Daily Ad-
vertiser, yovemher 14, 1805) . In 1779, there was a Major /. P. Mentges
in the Seventh Regiment of the Pennsylvania Line.

''Pennsylvania Packet, September 16, 1786.

386 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry,

'^ PenneylvofUa Gazette, Wednesday, October 25, 1786, p. 2, c 3.

^ Pev/neyliXpnM Packet, October 25, 1786.
*" Ibid, Wednesday, November 1, 1786.

*^ Pennaylvania Packet, November 13, 1786.
^Pennsylvania Gazette, April 4, 1787, p. 2, c 3.

** Penneylvawia Packet, Saturday, May 12, 1787.

* Bcharf and Weetcott, vol. i, p. 446.

** Pennsylvania Packet, September 28, 1787.

" DaUat^ ''Laws of Pennsylvania," vol. ii, p. 579. Also Lau> Book
No. iii, p. 349, chap. 1328.

'^ Pennsylvania Archives, Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1865, vol. xi,

** James Campbell, a native of Ireland, was the son of Bphraim Camp-
"bell, of Londonderry, and came, early in life, to this country. He is
recorded as an Ensign in the First Regiment of Pennsylvania Infantiy
on May 28, 1779. In 1786, he was a prlvtfte in the Fourth Company
of the First Philadelphia City Battalion, Colonel Chimey; and, in 1787,
a private in the First Company, Second Battalion, Col<mel James Beed.
He was a merchant, and also carried on a shipping business at No. 39
Pine Street, in partnership with Stephen Kingston, Commissioned June
7, 1794, Captain of the Second Company, Third Begiment This part-
nership was dissolved on December 9, 1789, and the following year
James Campbell was recorded a bankrupt. In 1784, he became a mem-
ber of the Society of the Friendly Sons of 8t, PtUriek [organized March
17, 1771]; and, in 1790, was an original member of the Hibernian
Society. On July 4, 1787, he delivered an oration in the Reformed
Calvinist Church, Race Street, south side, below Fourth. On May 24,
1788, he was elected Second Lieutenant of the Second City Troop, but
held this ofDce for a short time only. His first wife was Ohristina
McChud, to whom he was married on May 6, 1786. His second wife,
Mary, died on Sunday, July 19, 1795, and was interred in Christ Church
burying ground. In 1793, his place of business was No. 1 Penn Street;
and, in 1796, No. 219 South Front Street. He died of yellow fever
on August 12, 1797, and was buried in Christ Church burying ground.
His obituary speaks of him as "a very respectable merchant of this
city." He left a son, Ephraim; another son, James, mariner, who died,
unmarried, on May 2, 1820; and a daughter, Mmry, who married Ciqytain
Edward M^ Donaldson. His executors were George Latimer, John Brown
and Samuel K^it.

"• Col. Records of Pa., vol. xii, p. 189,

^Bcharf and Westcott, vol. i, pp. 412, 420; also Col, Records of
Pa,, vol. xii, p. 672.

^ Pennsylvania Packet, October 9, 1780.

** Col, Records of Pa,, vol. xiii, p. 308.

«>* Ibid, vol. xiii, p. 554.

^Pennsylvania Packet, May 1, 1784.

«*Ibid, July 21, 1790.

^Pennsylvania Magazine, voL xxviii, p. 246.

"" Pennsylvania Packet, February, 1784.

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 387

"•Ibid, April 29, 1785.
•"•Ibid. April 13, 1787.

"*Ibid. April 8, 1786.

"*Ibid, June 4, 1790.

"»Ibid, June 30, 1790.

"* Ibid, June 4, 1790.

^ From a genealogy (in manuscript) of the Duffield Family, prepared
by Charles H. Duffield, of Frankford, Philadelphia.

^PemMylvania Arohivea, Second Series, vol. ziii, p. 569; also Sixth
Series, yol. i, p. 980; also Pentuytvofiia Packet, July 22, 1776.

^"^ PennaylvoMa AroMvea^ Second Series, voL ziii, p. 593; also Sixth
Series, yol. i, p. 978.

^American Daily Advertiser, January 12, 1835.

"» "The Battle of the Crooked Billet." By General W. W, H. Davis,
vol. ii. Papers of the Bucks County Historical Society.

^American Daily Advertiser, May 16, 1808.

^'^Amerioan Daily Advertiser, January 12, 1835.

^ Information obtained from a personal commimication received from
Casper Dull, Esq., Attomey-at-Law in Harrisburg, Pa., dated Febru-
ary 8, 1910.

^ Pennsylvania Packet, April 1, 1789.

"* Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, vol. ii, p. 76.

^Ibid, Second Series, vol. ziii, p. 559; also Sizth Series, vol. i,
p. 979; also Pennsylvania Packet, July 22, 1776.

"*Ibid, Second Series, vol. ziii, p. 593.

^Pennsylvania Arohiifes, Sizth Series, vol. i, p. 616.

''Ibid, Sixth Series, vol. i, pp. 622 and 654.

^ Ibid, Sizth Series, vol. i, pp 971, 979 and 985.

^Ibid, Second Series, vol. ziii, p. 61.

(To be continued.)

388 Notes and Queries.

NOTES AND QUERIES.

llOtC0.

Letteb or Jomf Fenn to Febdinand John Pabk, 1741. [Penn Mann-
BcriptB, Historicftl Society of Pemu^lTania.]
D': S':

I this morning rood a Letter from M' Petera of the 27^^ April which
Suppose Game by the Vessel that Brought yours; By which find that
M' Commins the Late Minister of Philadelphia is Dead, & that at the
Desire of Several of our Friends not the Quakers he has made an
application to Succeed him, he therefore Desires my Interest with you,
to whom he has Laigdy wrote, that he may be Recommended to the
Bishop of London; I belieye him to be a very Capable, Worthy, good
Man; from the Character I reed of him before this was thought of;
& the Letters I have reed frixn him; ft am Sorry by his Promotion we
Shall Loose so good a Seco^tarv; But as I have alwavs had a very great
Regard for the Church of Engumd, ft Shall always Promote its uiterest
where ever I have any Concern; Not from favour or affection; but that,
She has been E^nown, to have more Mercy Charity ft Goodness than
any other church that have ever been in ^^ower; As for the Little
Difference that was some time ago between him ft M^. Commins it was
from the Misfortune of the par^ in the place; As for M*. Commins
I knew him well, ft all the tune I was in Philadelphia, never heard one
man give him a Bad Word I heartily wish as Worthy a Man may
Succeed him which will be to the Honour of Religion, ft the sood of
the Province. I muit her«^ Recommend to you the forwarding as
much as possible the Examination of ail witnesses in the Causey as I
find by Letter today my Bro'. Will be with us in Aug*, ft I desire for
Several Important Reason's the Suit may be Determined as Soon as
possible, one way or other I am D': 6': With Best Wishes for your
Self ft M'-. Paris

Your very Sincere frd:

John Peon
Feens 29^ June
1741
P: 6: I believe it would be much for his Majestys Interest to have
M'. Peters Promoted he being Qentleman Much Regarded tiiere ft
whose friends not only have but I doubt not are willing to supply his
Majesty with all the assistance poesiUe against th'. Designs.

Thk End or thb AiaDnoAN REVOLtmoN in Mabor, 1784.

In my former article (January, 1918), it was pointed out that the
American Revolution was a world-war (this phrase was actnallv used) ;
it was a coalition by the United States, France^ Spain, Holland and
India to curb the arrogance of Great Britain.

This spring, 1921, in cataloginf^ Bome British RM;imental histories,
I have found several that deal with fighting in India. The most sig-
nificant fact is found in the Historical Record of the Seven^-seoond
Rttriment: 1778-1848. Compiled by Richard Cannon. Londcm, 1848.

On p. 11, we read: 'Teaoe was concluded with the ruler ol the
Mysore in March, 1784." As all the fighting in India down to this date
was continuous with that caused by our French and Dutch allies, we

Notes and Queries. 389

must liereafter make the American Keirolutioii terminate in March,
1784, instead of November, 1783. Two other regimental histories are
more explicits the exact date was March 11, 1784.

John Bach McMaster agrees with me about this, and suggests this
little note for the magazine.

Albkbt J. Edmunds, Hiaicrioal Booieiy of Pemuylvania,

Lbtteb of John Askew to Jonathan Dickinson, 1701. [Logan
Papers, Historical Society of PennsylTania.]

Honest Jna & London 23^ 11 mo. 1700/.

Bond Freind

I reed thine p Randdl Jeney p Capt 8treett who Arived here aboutt
10 Days since Put in 6 weeks to SiUy where he staid a week I thank
thee for thy Freindly and IntiUidgeable BpestJe— {[ writt to the
ab* a month since p one Cap* Howe bound for Maryland but was
unfortenately Cast away ab*. 7 Ins*, on y* Island Gamsey the ship
and All y* Men and Passengers lost being aboutt 76 in Number Sev-
erall Passengers for Pensilvania was on Board In Pertiqular W*.
Robinson (Patt: Sonn) and his wife Elis Beasl^

I See thy Sister this week who is well and Lusty looks much better
then when in Jamaica Caleb had Qoit Cold and was not very well
else that was his Excuse being not out of his bed at a 11 Clock I

Seuerally See him twice or three times Kwetk. at the Chanffe or Coffe
ouse I have not yett Seen Ann Price but thy Sister told me She
and her Children were well about a week since Cap* Bodgerg is still
here in town Pteus husband but I suppose has little Comimication
w*^ his Sister in Law — ^Ere now noe Doubt thou hast y* ace*, of thy
Brother JabiiAes Death in Jamiaca — here was a Beport y* Cap* price
was Dead but noe Confirmation to that

We have not yett had opertunitjr to Spend thy Token by m* I have
desired thy Sister to C3iuse her time & meathod and Judged goeing
to Grinadge would be a prt of desertion soe that y* first fine Day
we are to Imbaric in a wherrie & Dine there take a tume in y* Pane
and Goe home affaine thy Cosens I think are well which are to
accompany us and Ann Price if She please. As to Publick NewB our
New Parlement sitts 6*^ next month the Duke of Anjoue beinff Crowned
king of Spaine pursuent to y* Deceased kings Will occations Much talk
of a Warr we and y* Dutch against franoe and Spaine old Lewis Stands
Stiffly, for his Grandson, j* al Duks Ri^t — and tis generally beleaved
a warr is unavoidable.

Puckle sails in a weeke or thereabout W*. trent & Family Comes
in him Allsoe Tho: Morrey ft tis Reported they will Bring 16000
pounds of goods Trent 10000 and Tho: 6000 8 other ships of mater
Burthen are up for Pensilvania Dewell I supose will follow Puckle
you are not like to want such Nessasaryes as England is Capable of
furnishing you w*^ at your own prices — this I intend via New Eng-
land but [lUe^Ue] — shall inlarse p Pockle Soe with Due Respects
to thy Self kind wife Sons and all my Frds and Aoq[uaintanoe as
thou Sees meatt

I Remaine thy Reall Frd

John Askew

My love to thy Neighbour Sam' ft Rachell ^

I have Packt thy wife and the each of y^ a small >-
token of a Cheshire Cheese In ordr to Come p Puckle I

Come wich is a greatt blessing to y* Numerous Poor is at Present
very Cheap best wheate here at London on y* keys at 8/0^ p bushell
sold Last and this week, we had soundings in 24 days but through
Contrary winds was 5 weeks to An Anker at Plymoutiti whence I with
Tho: M and Another Came up By land as is my Accustomed Manner,

390 Notes and Queries.

I THM in my old trim at Sea keept my Gabbin most of y* voyage but we
had Sevare weather yett through Mercy mett with noe Damage Con-
siderable Save loaa of Seyerall of our Bailee.

J. A.

LBTTE8 or William Petebs to Riohabd Petebb, 1754. [Peters Papers,
Historical Society of Pennsylvaaia.]
Dear Bro^

M'. Allen writes now to M'. Gordon a Pticalar of y* Acoo*'. we ha^e
rec*. of Col: Washingtcm's Defeat, to w«^ I refer you & shall only add
(on J* other side) y* Ck>py of a tre from M'. West to his ptner M'.
Neave w*^ came to hand since M'. Allen wrote. West was jnst re-
turned from y* bade pts ft I beUeve his Ace*, may be better depended
upon than j* oth^v. Thii^ have but a bad aspect at present^ but I
hope this will rouse our Wretches of y* Assembly imediatey to do
something to purpose & put all y* Colonies upon exerting themsehres &
uniteing heartily to raise a good body of Men at once to defend y*
Country & drive off these Invaders who are realy now beoome very
formidable.

I'm sorry to add to j* Trouble you must be under on this melancholy
situation of Affairs w*^ to be sure must at present affect yor Interests
considerably, but I canot avoid telling you y*. mv Son Billy grows
daily worse ft worse ft if he is not speedily sepa&ed from Didy, I
doubt he will soon make him as bad as himsdf ft could wish yon would
in your Journey inquire out some Place where Billy might be put for
a Year to try if he can't be broke of these vilainous habits before tis
quite too late. Pray keep up yo' Spirits ft I doubt not all things may
do well yet. I am

D*. Bro*.

Yo'. m*. aff***'.
P*« 1%^ July 1754 " W- Peters

[Inolobttbb iBoic Mb. West.]

Lancaster July 14«* 1764

You have doubtless heard of Col: Washington's Defeat before this:
The Particulars of the action We have but uncertain accounts of, but
this much I believe may be depended on, that the French to the number
of 700 and 200 Indians attadced him in his Camp and after a Fi^t of
nearly 12 Hours, having killed 60 and 40 wounded, he was obliged
to b^B^ a Parley, and all the Terms he could obtain was to have
Idberfy to oome back with his arms and carry the wounded with
him, so that all the Baggage Cattle and Provisions in the Cunp fdl
a I^ey to the French.

Mr. Charles Knowles Boltcm, librarian of the Boston Atheoaeom
and a member of the Massachusetts Historical Sodety, is at woric upon
a third volume of his "Portraits of the Founders." He would like to
hear of portraits of persons bom abroad who came to the American
colonies before the year 1701.

The Roosevelt Memorial Association, One Madison Avenue, Mew
York City, requests that material concerning Colond Roosevelt in-
cluding reminiscences, pamphlets, carto^is, fugitive artidea, dippings
and photographs be sent to them for preservation.

Commodore James H. Bull sends to the Sodety from San Francisco
an interesting series of papers induding:

1. The diploma of Levi Bull, who graduated from Dickinson College in
1798, with the signatures of Dr. Nisbet, the first President of
Dickinson, and William Thompson.

Notes and Queries. 391

2. His deacon's certificate signed b^ Bishop White.

3. His ordination as priest, also signed by the bishop.

4. Conveyance to Col. John Bull of land in Northumberland Coimty,

1787.

5. Parchment list of births of children of Thomas Bull.

6. Warrant for Lancaster land to John Morgan, signed by Qeorge

Thomas, 25 Jan. 1744.

7. Account of standing of James H. Bull in Bristol .Coll^;e, 1836.

Levi Bull, son of Col. John Bull, bom Warwick Furnace, |praduated
at 17 from Dickinson College in Oct. 1798. He studied law with James
Hopkins, Esq., and then be<Sime a priest in the P. E. Church. He served
in Berks and Chester Counties for many years without pay. Died
Aug. 2, 1869.

The Pennsylvania Historical Commission cooperated with the Union
County Historical Society in placing a marker at the site of Shekil-
lamy's Old Town near Milton on August 2nd. Messrs. Donehoo and
Montgomery represented the Commission. The marker was accepted by
Hon. A. W. Jolmson in behalf of the Union County Society and by Rev.
A. E. Gobble in behalf ci the United Evangelical Church Society. 8he-
killamy made his home here from 1728 to 1745, when he removed to
Shamcikin (Sunbury).

The Commission also assisted the Lancaster County Historical Society
in placing a marker in honor of Dr. David Bamsay, Qen. John Steele^
Col. Archibald Steele and Col. Thomas Porter at Unicom on September
17th. These men were bom in Drumore Township and were interesting
characters in Revolutionary times. Messrs. Frame H. Eshleman, D. F.
Magee and Robert Blair fork, together with Miss Susan C. Frazer,
prepared the historical dcetches.

The statue commemorating the visit of Washington to Fort LeBoeuf
in 1753 will be unveiled in the Spring of 1922.

A tablet was unveiled at Shippensburg on October 11, 1921, marking
the site of Fort Morris. Dr. Montgomery and Dr. Donehoo representea
the Commissicm.

THB DENinrS or PENirSTLVANtA.

I have for some time been en^ged in research with a view to dis-
covering the ancestry, on this side of the Atlantic, of the Dennys of
Pennsylvania. I give herewith a brief statement of the information
which I have alreiuiy becoi able to obtain from America. It is derived
from the Journal of Major Ebenezer Deuiy and the Records of the
Court of Upland, which have been published by the Pennsylvania His-
torical Society, and from ooUeetiona made bv one odf Major E. Denny's
descendants. But some additional information from American souroes
would be most helpful and valuable. In the hope that such may be
forthcoming I am publishing this note and I should be grateful to
anyone who might oe good enough to furnish me with any further
details.

The name of one Thomas Denny occurs in the Records of the Court
of Upland, about 1676-80.

"In 1681 a considerable Company was formed in Dublin, composed of
substantial men, to whom was sold one of the "Tenths'* into which
New Jersey had been divided for purpose o-f settlement. This ''Irish
Tenth" lay in Gloucester and Salem Counties. Thev sailed that year
and landed at Sal^n. Other shiploads of Irish settlers followed for
several years. Amongst the earliest settlers were Thomas and Frederi^
Denny — ^possibly also William and Walter Denny."

Walter Denny appears as tuotble in Chester Co. in 1722. Frederick
Denny purchased land in New Jersey in 1722, if not earlier. He was

392 Notes omd Queries.

dead in 1737. By Eleanor, his wifei, he had a son and heir William
Denny, taxable in Chester Co. in 1722, settled near Carlisle, Cumber-
land Co., in 1745, will dated Oct. 1750, proved March 1761. By Ida
wife (t Agnes) he had issue (with a daughter who married John
MoClnre) two sons: — (1) Walter, killed in the battle of Crooked
Billet, having had a son David, Presl^terian Minister at Ghambera-
burg, and a £iughter who married Hon. Nathaniel Ewing; (2) William*
a minor in 1751, married Agnes, daughter of John Parkier, and was
father of Major Ebeaeeer Demiy, who was bom March 11, 1761.

The fact that these Dennys seem to have always been Presbyteriane
seems to point to an Ulster or Scottish origin. I have obtained evi-
dence of the settlement in Ulster, at the end of seventeenth century,
of some of the Dennya of Greenock and Dunbartcm, Scotland, whidi
family doubtless derived its surname from the neighbouring village
of Doiny and is now represented in Scotland by Sir Archibald Denny,
Bt., of Dunbartcm.

(The Bev.) H. L. L. Denny.
St. Mark's Vicarage,

66, Myddelton Square, S. C. 1,
London, England.

Inscripticm on the grave stone of William Smith, D.D., in North
Laurel Hill Cemetery, Section G. 310.

TO THIS GROUND HAVE BEEN REMOVED

THE REMAINS OF

WILLIAM SMITH. D.D.

FIRST PROVOST OF THE COLLEGE OF PHILADELPHIA

BORN 1726— DIED MAY 14, 1803

ISABELLA SMITH

HIS SISTER, DIED 1801, AGED 65

WILLIAM MOORE SMITH

HIS SON, DIED 1821, AGED 62

SAMUEL W. SMITH

SON OF THE LATTER, DIED 1810, AGED 23

RICHARD PENN SMITH

MARCH 13, 1799— AUGUST 12, 1864

ELEANOR, DUNCAN, HELEN AND EMMA

INFANT CHILDREN OF

RICHARD PENN AND ELEANOR M. SMITH

ISABELLA STRATTON SMITH

NOV. 20, 1812— MARCH 17, 1880

An original portrait of Provost William Smith, DJ>., painted by
Gilbert Stuart is now in the possession of Mrs. John H. Brinton, 1423
Spruce St., copies of which exist as follows: —

One painted by Thomas Sully, now in the possession of William
Rudolph Smith, Esq., 2029 Pine St One painted by B. D. Mardiant,
now in the possession of the University of Pennsylvania, presented by
J. Blodgett Britton. One (artist unknown) in the possession of the
Academy of the Protestant Episcopal Church presented by his grand-
daughter, Isabelle Penn-Smith Floning. One in the Chapel of Wuhing-
ton College, Marvland, presented to the College by the Rev. Mr. Elimbul
of Hagerstown, Md.

In 1803 the remains of Dr. Smith were placed in a family mansoleom
which he had built on his country place at the Falls of Schuylkill, near
Philadelphia. In 1864 all of the bodies in the mausoleum were ronoved
to North Laurel Hill Cemetery after the death of his grandson, Richard
Penn Smith, who succeeded to and occupied the counny place and who
directed in his will that such action should be tiJcen.

Notes and Queries. 393

To Tes Editob or Thb Pernstlyania Magazine of Histobt and

BlOGBA^HT^ PHILADELFHIA, Pa.

Baltimore, Feb. 6, 1922.
Dear Sir: —

In my article on William Biles pnblbhed in Vol. 20 of your Magazine,
I referred to the will of Dorothy Biles of Dorchester, 1093, as being the
earliest recorded will of any of that name in either the Oonsistory Court
or the Arch-Deaconry Ck>urt at Blandford; but at the time of writing
the article, I did not know whether there was any relationship between
Dorothy and William Biles.

Recently, Mrs. Walter Raddiffe Kirk of Chicago, a descendant of
William Biles, sent me a copy of the will of Dorothy Biles dated 1692
and probated 1693, which she had obtained from the Aroh-Deaoonry
Court at Blandford.

From this will it is evid^it that Dorothy was the mother of William
and Charles Biles who emigrated to America and arrived in the Dela-
ware River on the 4th day of 4tii month, 1679.

Not only does Dorothy mention her sons William and Charles Biles
of Pennsylvania, but William in his will, mentions his sister-in-law
Mary Biles the widow of his brother Thomas Biles of Dorchester in the
County of Dorset in old England, who Dorothy also mentions in her will.

Thinking that many other descendants of William Biles would be
interested in this information, I send you herewith the copy of
Dorothy's will and suggest that you publish it in your Magazine.

Yours very truly.

Miles White, Jb.

1092 WlIJj OF DOROTHY BILES

of the parish of All Sents in the tonne of Dorchester, widow. I give
my soul unto God that gave it & my Body to be buried in Christian man-
ner as my Ez-rs shall thincke fitt.

Item. I ffive to my sonn William BUes In pensilvania or Elsewhere or
to his ohUdren the sum of tenn pounds.

Item. I give to my sonn Chatrlea in penaUvania or elsewhere £10. the
money to be ^aid to them bv my exeo-rin 6 mos after demand,— or if
dead to be divided among children.

To my son Jonathan in New England or elsewhere or to his children
£10. in <6 mos after demand. To my son John at London £5. To my
son John's dau. Elizabeth 20s. To my hroiher Thos. Strong £10. for
the use of my daughter Rebecca Soutt. — not to be disposed of without
my daughter's free constat. Unto William Scutt my ganson £10.
besides £10. which I have already ordered for ye cure of ye stone, but
Iff he die before he is of age, remainder to his two sisters, Rebecca and
Elizabeth. To my grand-daughters Rebecca Scutt and Elizabeth Scutt
£5 apeece. — To my sonne in kiw Robert Scutt, my horse. To my dau,
Mary Biles, toidoto, 20 s. To her son Thomas Biles 10 s. to her dau
Mary B. 20 s., to her dau Rebecca B. 20 s. All to be paid when they
come of age. Unto ye poore of ye people commonly called Quakers 20 s.
All ye rest of my goods, linning & woollen. Brass pewter* lumber whatso-
ever (except?) one new paire of green curtaines & Vallins, I give to my
dau. Rebecca Scutt's two daus. Reb. & Eliz. my funerall charges being
paid, which I leave unto my bro. Thos. Strong's descresion, he to be
allowed for the same. My bro. Thos. Strong Exec-r
Te marke of Dorothy Billes

witness

Robt Toung
John Read
George
1692

394 Notes and Queries.

The Wiu>ebnis8 Road to Kentucky, its Location and Features. By
Wm. Allen Pusey, A.M., M.D. New York, George EL Doran Co. 56
illustrations, IX maps. (Quarta)

This new work on the famous Wilderness Boad about which much
has been written by Sj^eed, Hulbert, Hanna and other authors, is a very
beautiful and interesting addition to the histories of the r<Mid and to
the Wilderness of Kentucky. The illustrations are of unusual merit
and the maps are of much value to those who wish to trace the course
of this historic highway. So much has been said about the Wilderness
or Boone Road that it is difficult for an author to present anything
very new about the thane. And yet> Dr. Pusey has added quite a good
deal of information concerning the identification of the old landmarks
with modem landmarks. Travellers through the region covered by the
old road will find this book of real value as a hist(^ical Guide Book for
the more than 200 miles covered by Daniel Boone in his survey of the
■road through the wilderness. (G. P. D.)

Men I Have Painted. By J. McLure Hamilton with a Foreword by
Mrs. Drew, Lond.: T. Fisher Unwin. (Quarto.) (1921.)

For Philadelphians who have known J. McLure Hamilton as a fellow
townsman — even if a scnnewhat cosmopolitan one who dissembles his
love for his native city by verv rarely remaining in it for any length of
time, much to the regret of his numerous friends— the dictum of Mary
Drew, one of the Glsiastone family, that "it is doubtful if there is one
individualitv more unusual or more interesting than that of the writer
himself" will be accepted as final and quite a summing up of his gossipy
new book ''Men I Have Painted," with 48 portraits. T. Fisher Unwin,
London, Adelphia Terrace. Mrs. Drew contributes the Forewent to the
book and e^e again and again expresses her sense of the privilege in-
volved in meeting Hamilton at Hawarden when he was painting Glad-
stone and her view of the book is that "it is alive — ^it will live." There
is no doubt about this vital phase of it as literature and that among
the 48 portraits painted are those of such well-known Philadelphians as»
Edward H. Goates, Dr. S. Weir Mitchell, Henry Thouron, Richard Vauz,
Clhas. M. Bums, Judge W. W. Porter, to mention but a few, with mem-
oranda as to the pleasant sittings with Dr. J. Madison Taylor, and
Judge Alexander Simpson, whose portraits are not reproduced, is not a
matter of disadvant&ge in a book given over to the pictorial, as well as
personal flotsam and jetsam of the great and, as the fashion in phase
goes today "the near-great;" not forgetting among the "near-great"
that if Hamilton sketched King George and tells you about it delight-
fully, he also sketched the Khig's horses, and, well, it would be in-
vidious to mention any human beings less important than Gladstone in
such a situation, unless one felt like imitating the "lady with the ser-
pent's tongue," and set out the fact that Hamilton also did Mrs. Asquith
as well as the horses and did her in a way that is just a little diabolical,
though he seems to have enjoyed himself tremendously and his descrip-
tion of her as he met her is a true key-note of the book and spiritedly
indicative of its happy style. He says of her, after picturing the charm
of the Asquith home, "The Wharf," "And then a lady came tripping
in to greet me, smiling so frankly and kindly, that I was at home at
once, and in love with the books and flowers and tiie gay vista tiirough
the garden to the silver willows casting shadows on the placid river.
And, as I stood by her side talking about the simple and pretty border-
flowers, I glanced sidewise at the slight, frail, but somewhat rigid
flgure, at the delicate Dante-like proflle, the dark, full eyes, and
wondered at the woman who had jumped into the fleld of life, and

Notes and Queries. 395

surmotinted its obstacles at a run, a gallop, a canter, and a trot, but
never at a walk. Was. she thinkhig of the flowers, the bees, and the
butterflies? Or, like mine, were her thoughts straying among the other
thoughts that were then crowding around her — impulses in the ether,
surging over her from the most £stant lands in the far-flung Empire,
because she had revealed her soul to the peoples?" Of course, the big
"story" of the book is his experiences in making the studies of Glad-
stone at Hawarden and elsewhere which led to a wonderful group of
portraits, one of the most famous being the Luxemburg, Paris, while un-
questionably the study possessed by the Academy of Fine Arts shows
Hamilton's method at the very best. But, a book which deals with
Bismarck, Asquith, Balfour, Manning, Tyndall, Spencer, Greneral Booth,
G. F. Watts and George Meredith, selecting a few of the more world-
famous names cannot be but fascinating especially in these days of
the craze for personality in biography. And that everything is set
down in so kindly a manner, and that the geniality and urbanity and
whimsicality of Hamilton are ever in evidence, is another happy feature
of the work which must be read even to the very last when he tells of
"The Portrait I did not Paint," the portrait of Leo the Thirteenth.
Here is indeed revealed the man and his manner and his method and
the character of a great period in modem life as is set out by human
beings who find in this singularly hmuan being, Hamilton, the painter,
a true interpreter of manners and of men. (H. M. W.)

The Book of Mobmon. Salt Lake City, 1921. 8vo. pp. 568.

The nineteenth century was prolific of new sacred books; and this
one was the first (Palmyra, N. Y., 1830). To see it reprinted with still
a powerful following in 1921 leads to many reflections in the mind of
a student of Religion. Such productions fall easily into two main
classes:

1. Those written in some abnormal mental state, generally by what
is now termed automatic writing;

2. Those based upon psychic experiences, but written in the normal
state.

In class 1 we must rank the present work which (setting aside all
stories of fraud and taking it at its face value) was produced by some
kind of crystal-gazing: Joseph Smith looked into "the interpreters"
or the Urim and Thummim, two crystals, and saw therein the trans-
lation of the famous "gold plates." In this class also fall Natures
Divine Bevelationa, dictated by Andrew Jackson Davis while entranced
in New York (1845-1847); The Healing of the Nations, by Charles
Linton, of our own Bucks County (N. Y., 1855) ; Oahspe (1881) ; Spirit-
Teachings, by W. Stainton Moses (London, 1883), and now the present-
day Life Beyond the Veil, by another clergyman of the English Church,
G. Vale Owen (London and New York, 1920^1921).

In class 2 we must rank Science and Health, by Mary Eddy (Boston,
1875) and The Perfect Way; or. The Finding of Christ, by Anna Kings-
ford and Edward Maitland (London, 1882).

Class 1 is the weaker of the two, containing voluminous matter, pro-
duced in a mental ferment, and doomed to literary distinction. Whole

gages of platitudes characterize this class. In reading the Book of
[ormon one never flnds an oracle, a literary gem, a strong utterance,
except where the Old or New Testament is l^ng quoted. The same
is true of Linton and Oahspe, and predominantly so of Jackson Davis,
though the case of the last was a noteworthy one and calling for serious
study. The underground connection between Davis and Swedenborg is
still an unsolved problem, which engaged the attention of Professor
Bush. As I have pointed out elsewhere, the coined word univeroaelum
in the writings of Davis and itself the title of his once famous paper.

396 Notes and Queries.

whereto Emerson contributed, is simply Swedemborg's umvenum eaelun^
written as one word. Then again the apparition of Swed^iborg to Davis
on March 7, 1884, was the real starter of American Spiritualism, and not
the Bocheste knockings of the first of April four years later.

Except for a few s&iking things in Davis, such as his version of the
process of death, etc., etc., the works in Class 1 which contain powerful
things are those of the two Anglican Divines. The last one makes a
statonent which every Mormon may well lay to heart, for the honest
parson records that his invisible dictators complain that things th^
never said turn up in the script^ and things thev wanted to say are not
there! Consequently, until we can compare uie entranced utterances
of seers of different nations and religions, and note their agreements,
we caimot begin to have faith in automatic writing. The late James
Hyslop said recently -at the Bellevue-Stratf ord : *1 never have believed,
I do not now believe, and I never shall believe anything said by a
medium!" And yet the speaker devoted all his later life to Psychical
Research, a cause which may one day establish a chain of internationally
accepted facts about the highest things.

A. w. jfi.

Thb New Gentleman of the Road. By Herbert Welsh. Philadel-
phia, Fell Company, 1021. 8vo., pp. 193.

Harrison Morris, who writes a foreword to this book, says of it:
''Though its narrative is as true as the north star, yet as beguiling as
fiction, I find in it scmiething more, and sweeter and finer than either
fact or ficticxL I find in it character. ... It also stands for the crea-
tion of a personage, usuall]^ imaginaiy, bv the author.*' Morris goes on
to say that this personage is Herbert Welsh himself.

We may add that if this book were to be translated into French, it
would achieve a fame far beyond the present privatdy printed edi*
tion and even beyond the vogue which the name of a well-known Ameri*
can philanthropist must inevitably give it. The reason is that it brings
into bold relief a thoroughly American character and lays stress upon
certain elements which the French have always admired. Here is a
man of national reputation and ample mieans who prefers to tramp from
Pennsylvania to New Hampshire summer after summer instead of lolling
in a Pullman car; a man who is insulted at one place as a suspicious
person and entertained with distinction at another. He dines with honor
among Episcopal divines or Yale professors on the line of his march or
shares a doubtful meal in a thunderstorm with a rustic.

His first five tramps (1915-1919) are alone, but his sixth (May and
June, 1920) takes in Dr. Mary Taylor Ma8<m, Dorothy Whipple (his
secretary) and a sdioolgirl from Friends' school, C^lermantbwn.

To the future historian this book will be valuable as a oontemporary
portrait of American life and character in the Northeastern States. The
aristocratic democrat hob-nobs with everybody, records their conversa-
tion and philosophy, attends all kinds of religious services, and por-
trays, almost unconsciously, the many-sidedness of our complex national
life. (A. J. E.)

Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 397

OFFICERS

OF THI

HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA.

pbb8ident.
Hon. Hampton L. Cabson.

yicb-pbk8idbnt8.

Gboboe Habbzson Fsshbb, Thomas Wxluko Balch,

John Fbbdebiok Lbwis, Samuel Castneb, Jb.«

Simon Gbatz, Fbanois Rawix.

BECOBDINO SECBETABT.
R. STUBGI8 INGEBSOLL.

00bbe8p0ndin0 8b0betabt.
John Bach McMabteb.

tbeasubbb.
fban0i8 howabd wiluam8.

AUDITOB.

Gecmkie W. Elkins, Jb.

U B A T O B.

Gbbgobt B. Keen.

libbabian.
Thomas Lynch Montgomebt.

398 Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania,

ASSISTANT LIBBABIAH.

Eruist Sfoivobd.

ASSISTANT LIBBABIAN, IN GHABOB OF IC AK U B C BIPT B.

J. C. Wtldl

COUNOILLOBB.

Edwabd S. Satbbs,
ALEXAin>Es Van Rensselaoi,
John GBiBBEXy
Chabe,bs p. Kotr,

HaBBOLD £. GiLLINGHAlC,

HowABD W. Lewis,

Ogdbn D. Wilkinson,

Edwabd Robins,

Abthitb H. Ica^

Hon. WnxiAic Fottib,

Gxobqb Wood,

Hon. Csablbicaqnb Towbb.

The Ck>imcil of the Sbcieiy is composed of the Ftesideat, Vice-
Preeidents, Recording Secretary, Corresponding Secretary, Treasurer,
Auditor, and twelve GouncOlors. Simon Gratz is President^ and R.
Stuigis Ingersoll is Secretary of the Gonncil.

tbustbbb of thb publication fund.

Hon. Hampton L. Cabson, Hon. Gbablemagnb Towkb,

SncoN Gbatz.
(Thomas Lynch Montgomist, Editor of Publications.)

tbustbes of the binqing fund.

Hon. Chablemaqnb Toweb, Simon Gbatz,

Edwabd S. Satbbs.

tbustbes of the libbabt fund.

Hon. Chablemagne Toweb, John Bach McMabib,

Gbegobt B. Keen.

tbustbes of the gilpin libbabt.
Hon. Chablemagne Toweb, Simon Gbatz,

GfiOBGE HaBBISON FISHEB, I^ANdS RaWLB,

R. Stubgis Inoebsoll.

Offlcers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 399

trustees of the endowlfbht fund and the
miscellaneous tbustsfu2vd.

Hon. Hampton L. Cabson, Hon. Chablemagnb Toweb,

Samuel Castnis, Jb.

tbustbes of the febdinand j. dbbeb col-
lection of manuscbipt8.

Hon. Hampton L. Cabson, Ed^pon Gbeblb Bbisb,

Gbbgobt B. Keen, Hon. Cbablemagne Towbb,

Thomas Lynch Montsomebt.

tbustees of the pennsylvania histobical
study encoubaobmbnt fund.

Hon. Chablemagnb TowBt, Gbbgoby B. Keen,

John Bach McMastbi.

tbustees of the building fund.
John FBn>EBicK Lewis, John Geibbk.,

HaBBOLD £. GmJNGHAM.
TBUSTEES OF THE GBATZ FUND.

Edwabd 6. Satbbb, Datid K. Fnx^ Jb.,

John Ashhubst, John F. Lbwis,

Edwabd Robins.

STATED MEETINGS.

January 0, 1022. May 8, 1922.

March 13, 1922. November 13, 1022.

January 8, 1923.

Annual membership $ 6.00
Life membership 60.00
Publication Fund, life subscription 25.00
Penn^lvania Magazine, per annum (to non-sub-
scribers to the Publication Fund) 8.00

Payments may be made to the Curator at the Hall, 1800 Locust
Street.

INDEX.

871-876
Adami, Hkjor, SOS
Addanu, Hftjor, 209
Alhm, Wm.. 808
AUMtown, i>«., 209
Allrton, Wuhlngton, 815
American Keiorullon, the end ot.

March, 1784, Note by * ' «"-

mnndi, S88
APPLBTTON, MH8. PRANCES, 888,

884^-"

ArmatniDC HaJOF Geaerftl, SOT, i

Artictea of CoDfederatlon, InelB-
clencr of, mentloDMl, 9, 10, It

Aabln, conpauloD of Aanm Burr,
alaadera Thomaa Bodner, ST, 89

Askew, John, to Janatbon Dlcklo-
■Ml. ITOl, 8H0.

BABE, JAI^T,

Jonea, S78 ^

BtKTtnhm OhmnK S«l
BABT1L& If ABOABETTTA, wll9 of

Jacob Benner, Jr., 379

BaUiSb/^merica'B Flrat, bj OeorES

A. Beld, 892
Battels, Col.. 126. 139; Ifadame

Battelle, ISI, 156
BatoK Koape, 199, 801, SOS „ ^
BBABI^r, EJLI8., irUe Of Wn. Bob-

lawD, 889
Beatr. CoL, 218
Becker, Col.. 310
£aIo«t, Coaat of, 187
BBNNBB FAHILT, 3TS
BBNNBB. QBOBGB, 261; blo^rapbl-

cal BkMcli of, 2S4
BDNNBB, JACOB, SB.. S60 1 blo-

nt^leal sketch of, 279
B^IllKB, JACOB, JR.. 279
BBNNBB, If AHX, widow ot Jacob

*• '-,879

Blddle, Hon, Cbaries, Cot. Franda
HeDtges, to, 866

BltWlf, CoL, 208, 210, Sll. 814,
217

Blddle, Bdward, and Hantle Field-
lot, Tbe Life and Works ot
Thomas BoUt (1T88-I8T2>, bj.
Notice ot, S9a

BlcmvUte, Ocrrernor, 18a

Bllet, Dorathr, will ot, 393

BILBB FAMILY, 393

Blnffaam, Win„ 375, 376

Bleonertiaaset, Harmon. 84, 35, 86,
88

Bloodwortbr, TUaothT, 17

Bobat Col., SIO

BolBoar, 188

Bolton. Charlefl Ejiowle*, Portraits
of the Foundera, \>j, note concen-

Book ' Notlc«s, 100. 204, 298, 894

BOCCHStt, BAMITEL [Butcher].
261, 2T6: biographical sketch ot,
2S5 _

BOVINQTON, JONATHAN, STT

Bowman, Zacharlah, 2T6

Bord, Major, 210

Bordell. John, 817

Wash-
18. 324

Browning, Cbaries H., Tlie Wasfaiu-
ton Pedigree; Corrigend*. and Ad-
denda, bf, 320-868

BEOWN, JANB, wife Of IWAC

Hnmpbreya, 280
Brown A Fea:

BROVIBB, j6a^ [BrewDOT], 861, SSS
BiwMMftoM MeeiUv House — mtU-

tarr hospital, 1T7T, 807
Bui4't Ferrv, 120

BCU« COHUOI>OBB JAHB8 H.,
List of Bull ramU; papen pr«-
MDMd HM. B0CIM7 oC P^nuiyl-
vaDli, by. B90
BULL, LBVI. 800. SBl
Bursoyne. Gen, Jobn, Tl. 78
Bnrr, Aaron, 84. 8T, S8, 40, 42,
48, 43^ DO. B8. SG, ^. SI. 64< 0B>

i.8&, 266, ^S ; accompllMB

86, 36, 88
Batcher, Bamuel, 2TG
BCTLEB, UABOABBT, 848

Calderwood, Ctpt., ilO

Caldwril, , 16, 17

CampMI, Llent.-Col., S16
Campbell, Ueat. Jamea, Second CItT

Troop, 370 ; blofrapblcal sketch of,

886
Canady, Col., ise
Cantaloper (alio Kcntalopcr and

1877173

K&bnaloper), 118, 188, :

vdmmtOT-'* fHaU, 287

Canon, Hon. Hampton L., Jan
WUaon and Jamea IrcOelL
Parallal and a ContnaL AAin

I Hon. lamea Wilton a

ipblcal akrtci
IL M, 90
MBHUA, drmth of, IBS

, *■« SUtS Of

Oaoixla. rafeired to, 4, 18, 20, 82
Cboctaw hcaty, 60
OhrUt OhMnh. PMto., 2, 8, 86, 92,

98, 94, 97, 29S
Cbnrch Labela, of Pennaylvanla,

very (arly ; notM on • couple of,

294
Cincinnati of N. C. — goard of b<Hi(n'

"-- "-1 of Hon. Jamea WU-

COHHIN8. MB., death of, 388
Congrsea, Continental, two rercln-

tioua o(, 216
CONBAD, WILLIAM, 3T8
Conway, Brigadier, 217
Cooper Irma Jane, Life and Public

Service of Jamea Logan, by ; notice

COO'PES, BABAH, wife of John

Dover, 286
Copley, Jobs Mosleton. S14, 317
Correy. Colonel Bobert. 276 ; bio-

Kiaphieal iketch of, 289
Cortland, Col., 216
Cowpertbwalte, Capt. Joaepb, 278
Coi. Jacob (cornat, 2nd City Troop),

800

Craig, CapUln, 314
Ciaig, Lleat. Col., 214
Ciiatv, Capt, 8rd Penna., 212
Croottd BOlet, Iim, 860, 881 ; Battle

of. 802
Oumterland ZiIOMtf, forcea of Aaron

Wllltam Coats, 287
Dean. Wm., 268; to Jomph Beed,

Baa., 269, 287
Da Kalb, Baron. 67, 210 212, 214
Delancj, Gorenior, Blchard Peten

Da la TIga. De tloto'a biatorian, 188,

I, by a«T. H. L. L. I

D^^Ml, Bngland, S8

DODoe'i Farry, 181

DICKINSON, JABIBH (death of. In

Jamaica) 8S9
EtiiAlnaon, John author of "Farmer'a

Lettera," 4, 0, 6
DlcktneoD, Jonathan, John Aakew to,

1701. 889
DOBBL, BCTH, wife of Bamnel

Branett, 27f'
DONAIiDBOM,

, CAPT. EDWABD M.,

Doneboo, Dr^ 891

Dotvhetier, Bng., 898

Dorland, W. A. Newman, A.H., H.D.,
F.A.C.8. The Second Troop Phlla-
delpbU City Caralry, by, 207. 864

DODglity. Hdor, 1S9

DOUOarTrBAKAH. wife of Jona-

271; biographical aketch
DOl'Bir'FAHILT, 280

of, 28S

DoTera, John,

Downer, Dr. , Companion of

CiH. John May on hla Journey to

the Ohio Conntrr, 1789, 108, 106.

118. 120, 122, 124, 126, 188, 142,

14S, 192, 100, 108

Drew, tin. Vary (OIxMom), Fore-
won) to Meo 1 Het« Painted, by
J. UcLoffi - - - — "-

immeiii, x. vr., 3s«

DofFr. Captain, trial of, b; Cooit

MartUl, 177T, 218
Doll, Cornet Ca«ner, 266; to Joaepb

Beet E»D, 268, 2TT ; blog ■-'— •

»ltetai^|_ft8«, 887
DVIX, CA8PEB. SBD, 884
DDLL FAMILY. 882
Dunbar, Wnilani, 61, es, SS
DnneoD, Robt., 317
Dqrgan, Lieut. Col. niomaa.

Capt., 277

1, S. 0., 2, 8, 19. M
Js, Albert J., The Bd4 of the

Amertcan Serolntloi] ia UardU

1784, by, (note), 888
ElHott, Iira^. 8SQ
Kill* Col„ 60, 67
ENGLE, BAJtAH, WUC Of Jaba

Nlpe, Jr.. 281
"Bpletle" to David Hume, 1770, by

Bajor CharlM L«e, 72. 78
Erwln, Capt. Kobert, 877
ElTBua, Evan, *bort ekctdi of, 2(M.

Kwlng, Hon. Natbaulel, marrlea

danibter of Walter Denny. 8&2
Byres, C(d., 209

FABIE8 FAMILT, 176

Parlw, Capt. Ow«n, to JtMeph Seed,

Eh|., 264, 26a, 267 ; to Commander

of American Fopcea 270, 271 ; blo-

{craphlnl sketcb of. 375

Farm, Mr. , 876

Femi, 388

Fersoaon, Capt.. 148

Ferrets Barr xear Book of tb« Penn-

■ylTanla Society, edited by, notlM

of, SOO
Few, Jmepb. 880
Field, Capt. Joeeph (of Sdiooner

Borannal, 108
FleldlnE, Mantle and Edward BIddle,

■™e U'- --■• "'—^- -• ■"-

FInt City Troop of Ptalladelpbla. or-
Dinlced, SE9 ; mentioned. 276

Flaher. Dr. F., 4B

FIBBER HANNAH, 280

Ftekf. John, qnoted, 66, 79

FITZHBRBBBT, ELIZABETH, 846,
851

FlUpatrick, Col., 84

I, 188, 1»9, 200. 201,
_ ^u^ ; anueiaaOD. 208
Ford. Lt. Col., 3W
Ford, Paul Lelceater, 828; »4
Fort Adamt, 200, 201
■— "~-r, 187, 151

Fraikv. Peter 87^8

Fnocia, Sir PhtUp, nippoaed anthor

of Letters of Jnnlaa, 94, 97
Franklin. Btniamlii, 69, 62; Samuel

HnnUncton to, 17B1. 204, 810,

"1. 814
It, Uiaa -

— Cbniiea I

89, 00, 81, 97
FRBEIIAN, BBTHBB (HOADS), 840,

Fries RebellliHi, The, nodes of article

Oardner, Dr., 49
OatM, OeD. HoratU,
QEBBABD, FBANCEf

Gilpin. Henry D., extracts fnim Com-

mon-PlBce Book oC, 224-242
Girdlestone, Dr. Thomas, 96, 97
Gist, General, 216, 2S7
QleanlnKS Id Bnslish WlUa (Waten),

referred to, KW, 889
Gobble, HeT. A. sl 881
Ooremmenls of Buro[A •nte, by

Frederic Austin On, Ph.D- notice

of, 204

>Ternw PriDti H:
GtaftoD, Duke of, 9i
Granse, Jastna de la, bnya Tlnlcom

lelaniL 1662, 297
Grata, Blmon, Ttaomaa BodD«T. by,

84, 180
Omve Cretk, Indian Massai m at, 110
GBATBON, BBTEBLT B-, 40
Gray Kin, Cc^ Preildait of Court

Martial, Whltemanb, Hvt-. 1777,

210, 214, 218
Green, Major Genenl. SOS, 215, 2I»
Ortenaimn, Jobn Hay's tmi>mdana

of, 1789, 119
OBBGG (S), CAPT. BOBBET, 261.

270. 271, 273 : blOfT^Ucal skatcll

of, 281 -.™™

OBOBS, JACOB, 281, 279
OuDby, Col., 214

HAAB, GEOBOI^ 2e0 ; blogtapUcal

sketch of, S79
HAAS. OEOBOE, nuidsan of Oeo.

Haas, drasoon, 3T9
Hackly, Frederick, 877

AKBT, wife Of

Geoive Haai% 279
_ale, Thomas, I —
Rail, Col. C. J.,

Hall, Col. David, 214

Hall, Dr. , 42, 44, 49, 60, «8

Ball, Jamea, 877

Bal), JobD, 818

HarolltOD, Andrew, SOS

HtmlltoD, J. UcLare, Hen I Bare

Palnteti, bj. ootlce of, 8M
H&mlltfln, WlUUm, SIS
Hans v. Ix>iilBlaiia. case of. meo-

tloDcd, 88
Harcaort, Col. Wm^ 80

BABBI80N, UABY, married Abra-
ham BtnuMt. 2TS
~ -, CharlM HeuT;, 804, SIO

Hart Charlea HeuTT, 80
BatJMd 7<MMuUp, STe
Baalet, Col. J., 194
'er, Lieut. Col., 20»

Hetlij '

WUIIam, 809, ST6
Ham, SOT, 814
rui, Eiitni;. Col., 210
^JflBBBB. UABY, wife ot t

Bnteher. 8SS
aaitlar«ngh, ». C, place o(
Ins of Btate CoDTentlon to M_ .
adoptfon of tti« Pederal Cooatlta-
"~ 1T88, le

Hlitorr of Cbrlatlanftr, An Intro-

Bon. 1

, __.. IMatth ew], s ee, 870

^OLOATEI, COL MATraBW, 276,

217 -, MogT«plilcaI akelch of, 290
HtriUngtwartb «t. Tlixtnla, Caae of,

mentioned, S2
HolmB, Governor, 300, 201, 208
HopklDB, Bobert, Br., 8T8
Bopklna. Capt. BoWu SM. SOS,

870, 3TS. 877 ; blosni[ilileal *etcb

HOPKINS FAMILY, 878, 879, 880
HoEAluaoD. FTnn<4a, 810, 811
Boirard. Major, trial of, b; Cowt

Uanial, 1777, 218
Howe, General Bir WUIiam, 78, 80,

81, 82, 88
Hnlen, Benjamin, 1S7, ]«7
Halen, MarciM, 141
Ht;MPHRBT(S) FAMILY, 280
BUMPURETB [Humptmr], ISAAC,

261, 278; bloffraphlcat rtet«h <tf.

:mi, £ix, xia, xit, ^la:
ral Iketch af, 280, 282

"BeDjandn Franklin, France, 17S1,
CoucMnlDK Captain John Fan!

- I, Wt

Independence

'iidepena«-- '

ddphla.

Loence nan, accouai ui, aob
idtmt Tn>op of Horse, Pblla-

IndlaDS, Chaa. Lee adopted br, 6S ;
maa^ra at Grav« Creek, 110;
attack at Wbe^Hng. 119; Indian

WhedlDB, 149 : ravasea of, 157,
160 ; capture of Johnatone bo;*,
168; capture of Ura BllderbeiA,
167 ; Col. WaahiUKton lent a^iOiiM,

I una — see Tavema

Iredell, Bon. Jamea, Addreas on Jamea
WlUon and James IredidL A
Parallel and a Ci»itm(t. by Hon.
Hampton L. Caraon, 1 ; blosraphl-
cal iketcb of, 4, 7, 17 ; ImporUnt
pollttoal papera mentioned. 7 ;
oplnloDa qnoted, IS. 14 ; pampblet
on the new Conatltntlon avtr ilc-
nature of Marcna, IS ; leader bt
debate on adoption of Federal Con-

Caae of Cblaholm Biecntor ...

Btate of Gflor|da, IS ; sraTe of, 88
"Irlah Tentha" (nTj.), 891
Irrlne. Brigadier, 206, 200, 211, 217

Jeney, RandeU, 889
John»on, Hon. A. W., 891
John ion, Benjamin, 877
Johnaton. Qov. Samnel, S. 16

Johnstone, , two lads captured

bp the Indians. 108
JONBa. GRIFFITH. 200; blosrspht-

France ofTera Croaa of mllltsrT

merit to, 204
Jonea. Lieut., S68
Jones, Col. Matthew, SS8
Jones. WlllA 16
JounUn, HeuTT, 876
Jonrual of French TraTeller li

Ccdonlea, 176n. notice of, 298
>nmal of a JourneT to the Ohio
Countrr, 1789, hj John Mar, 101

biographical
>losTapblc«l

ADCLIFFB,
t« of Inac

889, 840,

KtHikle, Bnrton Alva, of PblU.. hlB-
toriaii, and autbor of Life and
Work! ot WUbod, vols., 2

Koacliuko, Thaddetu, 6T

I«(ajttte, Uarqulj de, 6T, 83. 84

Lake. Lanocelot, Tabltha Lake to,
SSS. 223

L«k«. Tabltba, to LaoncelM Lake.
222. 228

I^ncaster Co. QUtorlcal Society,
891

Lanswortbr, ~ (blonapheT of

cCarles Lee), T4. 88

LanidolrDe Portimlt, lie, 817

I^WreDce, Sir Thomaa. 318. SIT

LawTeneon, WUllam, Sie

Leacb, Jamee, 134

Leak (Leek), Judae In Ulra. Tr.,
34, 8ft, 38, 40, U. 47, 48, CG, ST,
181, 182, 1S8

Imrned, Oeaenl. 310. 217

Lee, M^or Oenoal CharleB. Chulce
Lee — Btorm; Petrel of the Rerold-
tloD, Addrae* bj Edward Roblna
H.A., before Blstorlcal Bodetr of
Penna., Uarcb 14, IS21, 08; sen-
«al chancter, 60 ; tmr)^ *^'*£^'

to lupplant WaihlnJitoD, 7O-T0 ;
treacberr during campaigii aKBiDat
Howe, 78 ; captured aa deaerter by
tbe BrttWi, TS ; "Ifr. Lee'i Plao.''
82-87; Battle of Uonnioiith aad
trial bj cooK-tnartlat, 88-87;
"Tlndlcatton to tbe Public." 87;
" " " " by "Ligtit Bone Harry.''
I, 87 ; dropped from army,
-*~ "fe, 16 ;_ Sidney Lee,

ot tbe Cnlted SUtea. by

(quoted as apologlat tor Chariea
Lee). 87 ; dettven tauenl elegy
on Waablngton Id Pblladdpbia, 87

Lee. Bldney, Cbsrlea Lee to, 88 ;
belr of CbarlM Lee, B8

LBBCH. HANNAH. wUe of Jacob

Lewe*. Attorney General, S4. 86. 88,

Life aod WoHci ot BenJanlD Weet,
Tb« by Hon. Bamptos L. Caraoo,
80t-«ie

" " Dragoooa. Pbtladelpbla S60,

"SI

Llcht Harae, Pblladelpbla 239, 260.

LUleibiM, In Salap, 8SS ; Sbroubm,

337 ; Pailali Churcb, 837
LiTtDgMoD, Col, 218
Lloyd, Peter Zacbary. 874
Lookbart, Uajor. 209
Logan. Jamea, Life and Public Berr-

Icea of. by Itma Jaae Coo[lw, notice

or, 298
Loller. Bobt., 8T6

LoDBbboroosh, Lord Chancellor, SIT
(.ouJiriaHa, IBS. 189, 190
LDEENa. JANK, wite Ot Oweo

r de la, 2«G, 276.

UcCaln, Oeorge Nai, War BaUona

McCall, John. 165. 172. 177
UcCartbys Id I^rly Amerloui Hla-

tory, Tbe. by Michael J. O'Brien,

notice erf, 100
UcCARTY. KUZABBTH. wife of

Daniel Keen. 379
HcCllntock, Brinde Major, 210
McCLOUD, CHBIBTraA (wife ot

Jamea Campbell). 886
HcClDTK Brlrade Major, 314
McCLUBB, JOHN, nurrled dangbter

of Frederick Deany. 893
McCnllongt], Jamee, 376
McCurdy, Capt.. 137
McQorern, Briude Major, 217
U'TBAOH. COL. BENJAMIN, m :

biographical ttetdi of, 290
JroFeyMem, S64
MaduoQ, JamM, 08, 59
Magowen. Major. 206
Maiden, Etnm, burial place of Mr.
-J .. . -^j_ j^

J JoMpb
92: tor-
:. 91
ilofrapU-

[ANNAS,

388

ilocraphi-

ina Ty,),
hat! DBr^QEObcS W.. family of,

102. 103
Uay. Col. John, of Boaton, Journal
Relattve to a Jonmey to the Ohio
Country. 1T89, 101 ; Introduction,
101; companlona^ 103: iiungnral
ceremonlei at New York, lOS ; _tm-

ceremoniee at i^ew i uriL, luu ; uu-
preaelons of FbliadelpUa, 106;
methods ot making whlakey and
ycaat, 110: Kedatene, 114; anm-
mary ot Joamey from April 2S

Index.

405

to Sept. 10, 151-106; illness de-
scribed, 185-159; summary of

day's work, 165

A?;

HAY, COL. JOHN, children of,

named, 134
Maxwell, Brigadier , 206, 212,

217
Hen I Have Painted, by J. HcLnre

Hamilton, with foreword by Hrs.

Drew, notice of, 894
Hentges, Col. Francis, to Hon.

Charles Blddle^ 866, 868, 869;

sketch of, 885
Mercer, Lient. John, 206
HBWCB, MRS. ELIZABETH, 844,

358, 860, 861
Middl^Claydon, 845 846, 847
Mifflin, Thomas, 374
Militia of Commonwealth of Pennsyl-

Tania, Act for the Regulation of,

1780, 262
Hllitia Law of the Commonwealth of

Pennsylvania. 261
HILLBR, CHRISTINE, 280
MILLER, HANNAH 8., wife of Jacob

Markley, Jr., 282
MILLER, HENRY, 261 ; biographical

sketch of, 280
MILLER, MARY (late Steelman),

wife of Henry Miller, 280
Mingo Bottom, 148, 144
Minnes, Brigade Major, 218
Mississippi Territory, see Letters of

Thomas Rodney
Mobile, in 1722, 187; West Florida

troubles, 198, 199, 201, 202
Monmouth, N, J,, Battle of, June,

1778, 83, 84, 85
Montgomery Co., 864, 866
Montgomery, Dr. J. L., 891
Montroy. Mr. William, 207
Moore, George H., Treason of Charles

Lee^ by, referred to, 82
Moore, Col. John, 888
Morgan, Col., 208

MORGAN, REBECCA, wife of Grif-
fith Jones, 278
Mormon, The Book of, notice of, 895
Morrey, Thomas, 889
Morris, Harrison, foreword to The

New Gentleman of the Road, notice

of, 895
Morris, J., 865
Morris, Robert, 8
Morse, Samuel, 815
Muhlenburg, 217
Munroe, James, Esq., 206
Muskingum, 122, 125, 187, 158

yateheg, 52; Natches newspapers
(see Letters of Thomas Rodney),
40, 48, 44. 47, 52

NESWANGER, SAMUEL. 261; bio-
graphical sketch of, 279

Nevles. Capt., 219

New (ientleman of the Road, The, by
Herbert Welsh, notice of, 896

yew Orleane, in 1722, 187, 188 ; con-
trasted with the Mississippi Terri-
tory, 196, 197

NICE FAMILY, 281

NI€?E, JOHN. 261; biographical
sketch of. 281, 877

NICE, MARY, wife of John Dover,
286

Nichols, Mrs. H. 8. Prentiss, con-
tributes article by George A. Reed
on America's First Bathtub, 292

Nomine Attetf, location of, 879

VofYington, 276, 290

Norris, Margaret, wife of Col. Wm.
Coats. 288

North End (Northern Liberties), de-
scription of, 885

Northern Liberties (North End),
864 ; description of, 886

Notes and Queries, 98, 204, 294, 888

O'Brien, Michael J., The McCarthy's

in Early American History, by,

notice of, 100
Ogden, Col.tPresident of the Court

Martial, Whitemarsh, 1777, 217
Ogg, Frederic Austin, Ph.D., The

governments of Ehirope; by, notice

of, 204
Ohio Country, Journal Relative to a

Journey to, 1789, by John Hay,

Old Swedes' MUl, 881

O'NEAL, JENNBTT, wife of Robt
Gregg, 281

Orderly Book, Whitemarsh, 1777, 206

Osboume^ Mr., 202

Oswald, Colonel EHeasar, attends
Charles Lee in his last illness, 91

Our Rifles, by Charles Winthrop Saw-
yer, notice of, 800

Paris, Ferdinand John, John Penn

to^ 888
PARKER, AGNES, wife of Wm.

Denny, 892
Parker, Brigade Major, 211
Parry, Col., Sheriff of Westmoreland

Co., 1789, 118
Patterson. General, 210, 218, 217
Patton, Lieut CoU 205
PAWLING, JOSIAH, 261 ; biographi-

cal sketch of, 282
Feale, Charles Wilson, 815, 877
PEARSON, SARAH, 816
Peas, , Surveyor General Miss.

Ty., observes comet of 1808, 61
Peneader. DeU, old church in, 875
Penn, William, extent of grant to,

221; BenJ. West's painting of

Treaty critidzed, 818
Penn, John, to Ferdinand John

Paris. 1741, 888
Penneytvania — Acts relating to Bank

of North America passed, 1782, 9
Pennsylvania — Early description of

in letter of Christopher Sower,

1724 248
Pennsylvania Gazette, Oct. 9, 1782,

notice of the death and funeral of

Charles Lee, 92
Pennsylvania Historical Commission

and Union County Historical So-
ciety, markers placed by, 891
Pennsylvania Hospital, 812, 819
Pennsylvania — Inhabitants and

Planters of. Proclamation to^ 220
Pennsylvania — State of, Commis-
sioners appointed in each county,

1777, to collect blankets and

clothing for the army, 205
Pennsylvania Society, Year Book of

the, edited by Barr Ferree, notice

of, 800
Penther, William, 816
Peters, Rev. Richard to Gov. De

Lancey, 220, 888; Wm. Peters to,

1754, 890

406

, WllUuu, t

Blclurd PeMra,

PBXTON, OERBABD, 328
FhUaaaiplHa—lohB Uajr'i Impra

Hod or, 1T7B. lOT
FMl^etpiha OovHfy, OlrUbm o

1784, 3*4 _

Frieat, WlUUm. 200

ProclamaUou oC Klu CbariM tl to

Inhmbltantl and ^oten of F«fi-

allvaDla In America, 220
PnlaAl, Count CaHinlr, 07
PtirMvK F«rUb Cbarcfa of, Bm*^

Bdb^ SSS, 841, S42, S4S, Ml. 8M
Pnsej, Wm. Allan. AJT, U.D„ Tbe

WlldcrneM Ro«d to Eentack7, Its

LiDcatlon «nd EVatnrea, b;, notice

. Capt. William, Jr., 273

mBnon», 113, 114

Berd, Jo<«ptt, to Cbarle* Le« 77
Owen wkAei to, 204 ; icrlewi
mllltla. 265 ; public ni>ttce bj, 2m
memben of CItr Troop to, 208 ,
to Col. Wm. Coati, 208 ; commaod*
camp at Treoton, 286

Bold, 0«oqw A., America'a FlnC
Batfainb, br, 292

Berooldi, BIT Joabna, 304. 810

BIchantoon, Utm. Col. <of Stb
N. Ct, 206

Elddlr. Brinde Major, 211

BlflnneD. 2BS, 278

BOADE8 JOHN. 330. 84(S, 846

BOADE8 WILLIAM, 846

Boblna. Edward. M.A., Chsrlea Lee —
Stormr Petrel of the BevoloUon,
addresa b;, 60.

BOBtNSON. WH^ 889

RODOEE8, CAPT., 8S9

Rodn»> Tliomai, Lettera of, b;
Simon Grata, 8i, ISO; to C«ar A.
Bodner, 84, ISO ; (nmrnoaed to at-
tend trial ol Aaron Barr. 84 ;
dlxroBsee In wbat coart Burr's ac-
•mpUcea abonld be tried.

West IM) ; oplntona on BDnwrnQ
blockade. GO, 64; comet of 1808.
61 ; Charlea Lee*! claim to be
"Jnnlua," 94 ; diaracter of tbe
latlou of tbe Ulaatadppi Ty.,

drcnlt court!, 182; to Wm.

Duane. 186 ; ran><4< <>" w>^
Florida, 198-208

ffi"

, . Aagustua, Thoawa

BadD«T to, 34-69. 160-208

Bodner, Cieaar, srandaon ot Tbimias
Bodney, 193

Bodner, CBaar — famoui

reqneat from, 300
Rom, Major. 214, aiB

Bow. Ur., 04

BCMBALU BLIZABETH, 860
RCUBALL FAMILY, 802. BOS
fiCMBOLD FAMILY, 8SZ. 808
EniklD, John, qnoted, 803
Butledse, Edward, ChsHca Lee I
(extract from), 77

Second atj Troopk 808, 870;
idaded amou Tolnntear orsanl-
itlom of Pblladelpbla by Act of
s«lilatiire^ 1788. 870

Major. Jadee of Coontr
vuuci. Uiaa. Tj., 4T
BETFEBT, SOPHIA, wife of DaTld

SnrdOT. 877
ehaumktn (Sunburr) 891
8baw, Dr., Editor of Natcbca Meaaen-

gor, 89, 41, 4T
Bbee. Col. Jobn, 879
BhetaUimg'* Otd Toten, marker*

placed on Bite of, 391

AhnuMdoiXt railey. In Berkeley Co..

Va. : Cbartea Le« buy* eatale tber«(

7B. 76 ; retiree to this esUte, 88

Bbewell, Bliaabetb, 807, 310, 311. S16

Sblelds, 84, 42, 59. 00, 188; Mn.

Sbields. 189
Btgn ot the Caae«OB« Waaon, The,

91. 92
Sklpworth, Ooremot. 203

Index.

407

SmaUwood, Brigadier General, 209,
212, 218, 210

Smith, George, Sub-Lieut. C. P., 268 ;
to Joseph Beed, Bsq., 269

Smith, Ueat. Col., 210, 212

Smith, Major, 215

Smith, ProToet Wm., 807, 814

Smith, Provost Wm., family mauao-
lenm at FaUs of SchoylklU, 892

Sknlth, Wm. D.D. — Names recorded
on gravestones of Provost Wm.
Smith— WllUam Smith, D.D. ; Isa-
bella Smith; Wm. Moore Smith;
Samnel W. Smith ; Richard Penn
Smith: Eleanor, I>ancan, Helen
and Bmma (Smith) ; Isabella
Stratton Smith

SNYDEB, CHRISTIAN, 877, 878

8NTDBR (SCHNEIDER), David,
266; to Joseph Reed, Esq., 268,
269, 271, 272, 278, 274, 275, 278,
866; biographical sketch of, 877

Snyder, Peter 877

SinrDER. REBECCA, 878

Society for the Promotion of Chris-
tian Knowledge^ 296

Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts, 295, 296

Sower, Christopher, Genealogical
Chart of Descendants of, men-
tioned, 248; Christopher Sower
to 244

Spalght, Richard Dobbs, James Ire-
dell to (quotation from), 18, 15,
16

SPIKE, THOMAS 855

Spencer, Col., President of Conrt
Martial, 215

Spencer. Judge, 17

Sprig, Judge (In the Mississippi Ter-
ritory), 47

Spring House Tavern, 888

Stanard, Mr. (editor of Va. Mag.
of His.), 889, 847

Steele, Col. Archibald, 891

Steele, , 16

Steele, Gen. John, 891

Steer, Christian, 261, 280

Stephens, Major General trial of, by
court martial, 1777, 207

SterUng (Stirling). Lord, 206, 209,
210. 211, 218. 217

STEWART. LETITIA, wife of John
Dover 286

Stoddard, Brigadier Major, 205, 212,
217

Strachey, Sir Henry, 82

Street, Robert. Artist, Sketch of, by
Mantle Fielding, 255 ; Ust of paint-
ings by, 255

Strutt, Capt, 889

Strictures on a Friendly Address to
all Reasonable Americans, by
Charles Lee referred to, 75

STRONG THOMAS, 898

Stuart, Gilbert ("GabrieD, 818
815, 816, 817 ; portrait of Pnyvost
Smith, 892

STTTRGESS, ANN, wife of Joslah
Pawling, 282

Bulffrave (Washington family of),
840

Sullivan, Major General, 206, 207
208, 210, 212, 214. 218. (Spelled
also SulHvln and Sulivine.)

Sully, Thomas, The Life and Works
of ThomasSully (1788-1872), by

Edward Blddle and Mantle Find-
ing, notice of, 298, 811, 815

BummereiV» Feny (on the Toho-
gany), 118

8warthm<^re Oolleffe 804, 815

Taverns (Early) — Antford's
(George), 116, 117; Bird's, Ft.
Littleton, 111 ; Brown's, New Hav-
en, 104 ; Carpenter's, , 116 ;

Chind's (on Susquehanna), 107 ;
City Tavern. Phila., 92; (Clark's,
Medfleld, 108 ; Clark's Blue Moun-
tain, 109 ; Coleman's Dedham, 108 ;
Crooked BUlet, 866, 881; Elliot's,
Conn., 104 : Elliott's, at Marcus
Hulins, 116: Fuller's, Berlin.
Conn., 178; Green's, east side of
Conn. R., 104; Hackerd's, New
York, 105; Hardy's, New York,
104; HollinsworUrs, head of the
Elk, 107; Hunt's, Mamaroneck.
104; Jefferson HoteL 290: Kippe's
(Capt.), 109; Lafflngirs, near

Greensburg, 118; Martin's,

111; McGaggayV , 112;

Nlckol's (Sign of Conestoga Wag-
on), Phila., 91, 92, 176; Noel's,
, 118; Pfclmer's, Charles-
town, 107 ; Palmer's. Northern
Liberties, 882 ; Penileld^B, Fairfield,
104; Red Lion, Frankford, 885;
Rising-Sun, near Phila., 866 ; Sher-
maifs (Squire), Md., 109; Sker-

rett's, , 174; Skinner's,

, 111; Sprig's (Major). W.

Liberty, 170; Spring House Tav-
ern, 888 ; Stamk's, Baltimore, 178 ;
Starrick's, Baltimore, 178; Taft's
Uxbridge, 108; Tannery Hills,

Redstone, 114 ; Todd's,

172 ; Waterman's, near Phila., 106 ;
White's, Baskingridg& 79, 80;
Wortle's, Klngsbridge, 104 ; Zanes',
Wheeling, 140, 145, 154

Taylor, George A., Letters from the
Massachusetts Archives, by, 220,
223

Taylor, Major, 210

Thanksgiving Day, proclamation of,
1777, 216

Thomas, Gov. Ctoorge, to John Penn,
98

THOMAS, MARGARET, wife of Mat-
thias Keen, 288

Thomas, Tabitha, see Lake, Tabitha,
222

THOMSON, COLONEL ARCHI-
BALD, 276; biographical sketch
of, 289

Thomson, Col., 212

TUton, Col., 188, 189, 191, 198, 195,
200

Tlnicum Island, purchase of, 1662,
297; church established on, 294

"Tiplinghouses," in and near en-
campment at Whitemarsh. 211

TOY, MARGARET, wife of Andrew
Keen 280

TRENT, WM. (and Trent family),
889

Trinff, Hertfordshire, Eng., see
Washington Pedigree, 821, and
839-868

Trocksell, John [Troxel or Troxsell],
261, 280

TUCKER. GERRARD, 828

408

Index.

TCCKEBU AN, BDWABD, PnifeswT

ADhent Coll«se. 101, lOS
TDCEXBMAN. tlBB. BOPHIA, 101
Tapper, CoL, 219
Tt^er, GenenO, ISA
Tjfer, Dr., 848
Trier, UiJot, IBS. 188
Trier, Uajor, 214

onion Coontj BUtorical Bod«yL8»l
UnlTersttT of PcnaiflTanla, Btrat

Law School in United SUte* ei-

tabllshed ITOO, T

OUA8, 261;

H INkUiuM),
Aetcb of, 282

Tolni, Ch&rle, Now Orleant >nd Uo-

Oeorse Nox UcCftln, notice of, S
Waid. Major Oenenl Art«nn«, TO
WaitalnstoD, George, at Fort Du-
qneaotL 9t; canpalni agalnat
Howe, 78 ; exebance of Cbarlea Lee,
81 ; weleonei Lm at Vallej Foiw,
1TT8, eS; Battle ot UonmonUi,
84 1 corraapondenee witli Lee, BS ;
Lee tried bj Court martial, 8«;
Llgbt Hor*e Harry deliven foneral

I InaBCtira-
D Pedikree,
0; rerleWB

., ^ LeBoent, — -

WatMnoton, MtttUtip^ TerrOon,
Lettera ot Tbomas Rodner from,
180T-1S10, 31-eB, 180-208

VABHINGTON PBDIOBEB The,
CoTTiBenila and Addenda, bj
Cbarlea B. Browalng, 820-863

WanoD, Col., 21T

Water* (Aatbor ot Oleanian In
BnElUh Wllla). 826, 889, 843, 848,
8Mr860 _

WATOON, BENJAMIN IWotten],
261, 2S3

Wayn^ Anthm^, 208, 214

Weden, General, 206

Weedeo, Brlsadler, 21S

Wtila, Abn, 186

Wella, Ch»rieB, 18B

Wtlla, Major. 218

Welah, Herbert, The New Gentleman
of tbe Bead, br, notice of, 8»6

Vet, B«d;
LUe am

1, »l5l»

, J , — a and Works ot,

„ Hon. Bampton L. CarMMi.
801-818 ; birth and earir life, 804 ;
Italian atndlea, 808 BngUab
frienda, 806; becoaiea blatori<^
nalDter to GeoTKe Ut, 809, and
nwideot ot Boral A^jIw, 810 j

hiaee Kntgbtbood, klS ; piqAEa i^

316 ; tDlnlatare& 818
West, Benjamin, Jr^ 81S
Weat, John, 804, SIS, 816
WMt LOerty In 1789, ITO
Weat, Matthew, 816 „ . ^

Weatem Beaerre HIatorieal Sodety,

Tianaactlona of No. 108.

Three PenniTl*>nla Item* pnr-

ebaaed, 297
Wlilake;, method of making, 110,

Wbltemanb Orderly Book, 1777,
206-218 ^ .„

Wblte, Miles, Jr., note on the Bllea
fairly, 898 „ _,,

White, BlBhop Wm., 810, 811

WilderiKas Boad to Keutnckr, Tlie,
ita Location and S^tarea, bj Wm,
Allen Puaey, A-M., M.D., notice of.

Wllklnaon, Gen. Jamea. BS, M, 69,

61, 64. 65 : aoD of. 60, 181. 184
WILklNBON. MABT, 284
Wllllamii. Oovetnor of MIm. ^.1.

46. 47, 61, 62. B8, &7, BS. 68
Williams, T. H., 161, 182, 190, 166
WlUlamB, Major Wert; 206. 218
WllBon, Hon. James, Addreae on
Jamea WUfon and James i™^ i

Edenton. «. i;., ana m-u..^-

Chriat Chorch, Pblla., 2; pallbcair-
»n and apeaken, 2, 8; blonapM-
ol aketch ot, 8, 4, 6, 7, p, 19;
Bank ot North America, flj eoo-
traated with Jamea Ireddl, IS,
16', ease of Chlaholm Eieentor,

WInatou, Wm., 47, B2, 68
Woltord. r,leot CoL. 206
WOLL^I, JACOB [Wotrtery], 261,

Woodford. Brigadier, 209. 211, 212.

217, 219
Worrell, Col. laaac, 870
WOBBBLIi, BBBBCCA, Wife Ot

James McTesgb, 260
Wrtaht. John, 876 ^_
WRIGHT. WM., 861 . ^ ,^

WTNNH, HANNAH, wife of Danld

Humpbrers, 280
TSRKES, BBBBCCA [Leech], wife

of George Yerfes, 280
rouffftapoHV, Fork* of, 118, 114

Zanc. Benjamin, 146

ZaSe; ^^re, 140, 14B, 1*8. 164.

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